View Single Post
Old October 27th, 2009 #7
Alex Linder
Join Date: Nov 2003
Posts: 45,342
Blog Entries: 34
Alex Linder

2. Jewry in Germany

This four-page section traces the history of Jews in Germany.

[Lieferung 22 (October 1935)]

Marxism as a Tool to Establish Jewish Rule

In Benedict Salomon Goldschmidt [covered in the previous, untranslated, section], we see the Jew in his role as a society leader, the center of the salons, moving brightly among the "best" circles in Germany, the powerful rising man in "bourgeois" and "aristocratic" Germany.

The same millionaire Jew, who was ready to take the last remnants of the German people's property into his greedy hands, however, also appeared on the other side as "the father of those robbed of their inheritance, those without rights." Millions of Germans believed in this swindle, failing to see that they had trusted their hopes for a better future to him whose goal was to force them to be creatures under his thumb, with no rights at all.

The instrument that the Jew created to accomplish that was Marxism. He knew that a unified German people would ruin his plans, that he had no hope of success against a united and unified people. Following the principle "divide and conquer," he first had to split the German people into groups fighting each other. And the Jew did "divide" the German people.

Over the decades, the German worker had it repeatedly hammered into him that he was an "outsider," that his opponent was the "capitalist," the "middle class," the "bourgeoisie." He had to fight them, and the road to freedom would be open only after their defeat, and similar such slogans. Slowly but surely, this poison devoured the German worker, diverting him from his Germanness to a mythical International, to doing the business of the Jews in the Marxist parties.

In the same way, however, the Jew began to speak to the "middle class" about the "unpatriotic sorts," by which he meant the German worker. The German worker was portrayed as the enemy of national unity, whom one could meet only with contempt. Thus, the "worker" was set against the "capitalist," the "bourgeois" against the "proletarian," etc., just as the English-Jewish newspaper the Daily Sketch wrote in 1915 about the World War:

"When you Christians have finished strangling each other, there will be more room for us."

The hatred and discord that the Jew sowed about German unity bore its fruit. The worker did not see that those who had become his leaders, who whether visibly or invisibly led the "workers' movement," die not come from his own ranks. He did not see that those who pretended to represent the workers' interests had never worked themselves. When, occasionally, a worker whose eyes were open saw through the swindle, the mob of his "comrades," led of course by Jewish scoundrels, fell upon him and taught him to see and say nothing. A single example shows how that happened: The chairman of the Social Democratic bookbinder's federation, Ernst Kloth, wrote an essay about Jewish dominance in September 1919. It was in no way anti-Semitic, but simply pointed out the facts that everyone really already knew. Vorwärts [a Social Democratic newspaper] went crazy. "Man Overboard" was its headline. Comrade Kloth got his due: "The confusion of this formerly worthy and sensible colleague is to be greatly regretted. There is no point in discussions is incitement to a pogrom. The only thing to do is to throw him out of the party as quickly as possible so that at least he will not be able to spread this nonsense as a "Social Democrat."

And the German middle class did not see that he who chattered about patriotic views and a consciousness of being German was himself not a German, that he belonged to an obvious international community, and was therefore a fanatic nationalist of a different sort. Neither saw this. Instead, both saw the "enemy" as one of his own people's comrades. The middle class watched in horror as the masses of Marxist voters grew from election to election, while the German worker celebrated the fact that his "day of liberation" was coming ever closer. The Social Democrats won 110 of 397 seats in the 1912 Reichstag election.

In the foreign press, the Jew, the cause of this development, openly expressed his satisfaction that the German people was beginning to tear itself apart. In the (French) Republique, he wrote: "His Majesty, Socialism, is the great victor in the German election. Big problems are arising on the other side of the Rhine, the predecessors of new catastrophes." The (English) Evening Standard wrote: "Each vote for a German Social Democrat is a voice for weakening our enemy," and the (also English) Morning Post wrote: "What will become of the Hohenzollern dynasty in twenty years, perhaps even in the next ten years?

The answer to the Morning Post's question became clear in the next target: German self-awareness still stood as a barrier between the Jew and his unlimited rule over Germany.

The World War and November Germany

Our purpose here is not to consider the value, or lack thereof, of the monarchy. It is clear, however, that Jewish thinking realized that if it was to gain complete control in Germany, the monarchy had to disappear and German strength had to be broken. Thus, a Russian lodge named "The Elders of Zion," in a 1911 advertising brochure, said:

"The primary goal, world-wide Jewish rule, has not yet been achieved. It will be reached, and is already nearer, than the masses of the so-called Christian states believe. The Russian czar, the German Kaiser and militarism, will fall, and all the peoples will be driven to collapse. That will be the moment when the real rule of Jewry will begin."

The Jew was willing to use any means to reach this goal, so it was worthwhile to build up war fever. The Jew Isidor Witkowski shows how that was done. He concealed himself behind the pseudonym Maximilian Harden. This example shows us the almost unbelievable vulgarity and insolence of Jewish thinking, which changes as needed:


"What is the goal of the four powers: England, Russia, France, and Italy? To wage war in Serbia? Then let them do it, better today than tomorrow. One should not give them time for leisurely preparations, but instead choose the hour that the general staffs in Berlin and Vienna see as the most favorable for the battle."


"We can also take a great deal from the French. Not only 20 billion, but also Carolingian and Burgundian territories, fruitful colonies, and the freedom of the Mediterranean, making Toulon into a German Gibraltar."


"Even were it trivial, the blade of grass on which honor hangs, streams of blood would not be too high a price." "He who advises Austria to give in wastes a treasure of Germandom."


"Necessity obeys neither parchment nor words of honor. German strikes. Its power is its justice, and therefore it is fighting a good war. There was never a better one."

But in 1920, the same Jew wrote:

"I have never longed for a war to conquer Europe."

The German people did not let such outpourings influence its policy of peace. When the world conflagration began in August 1914, it went into battle to defend its honor, its freedom, and its existence. As the initial enthusiasm passed, and the German army began its quiet and determined heroic battle on the fronts, as its superhuman exertions kept the enemy from the homeland, the Jew began carry on his previously concealed subversive work openly. He used his tools, the Marxist parties, to choke the heroic battle from behind the lines in order to throw Germany into chaos and prepare for Jewish rule. This subversive work bore fruit in November 1918. The soldier counselor Vater, for example, described it this way:

"We encouraged our people at the front to desert. We organized the deserters, provided them with false papers, with money and unsigned leaflets. We sent these people in all directions, mainly back to the front, so that they could work on the front soldiers and wear down the front. Thus the collapse occurred slowly but surely."

In November 1918, the fighting front was stabbed in the back. The once proud German Reich, the Reich of Bismarck, seemed to fall, Jews and Jewish lackeys "ruled" as "people's representatives," but they had received no mandate from the people. In the most shameless way, Judah set about spreading its spiritual filth over the German people, to make it seem evil and crude to the world. But before the victorious powers, these nobles of Semitic nature bowed most deeply.

As the German people threatened to collapse under the unbearable burden of the Armistice conditions in December 1918, the Jew A. F. Fried wrote:

"We must thank the Western democracies with grateful hearts that they won. They have also freed us."

With the emotions of a ham actor, Scheidemann presented the German collapse as a total victory of the German people in November 1918. Millions throughout the country fell for this lie, and rejoiced in their "victory."

With almost Satanic glee, the Jewish press made clear that that the victory of 1918 was really a defeat. The Jüdische Rundschau wrote:

"For the Jewish people, the war was the most fundamental and revolutionary event in its history since the destruction of the Temple. What our fathers saw as their highest ideal over two millennia was fulfilled by the war with unexpected speed."

And the Bote aus Zion wrote:

"The mood of the Jews, in view of their successes, is understandably proud and confident. This confidence is rooted on the one hand in Jewry's financial power, which during the war resulted in streams of money greater than ever before, and on the other hand in the faith that Jewry is a leading intellectual power among the peoples of the earth."

One should not forget that the Jew Salomon Kosmanowski, alias Kurt Eisner, was one of the revolutionaries in Bavaria, and after the revolt became the "Minister President of Bavaria."

To blame Germany before its enemies, to blacken its name, this Jew falsified documents and ripped sentences from official documents until they had the meaning he wanted, and could serve as "documentary proof" of Germany's guilt for the World War. The same Jew, who declared that Germany had no right to demand the return of its prisoners of war, since it had started the war, but instead had the obligation to provide forced labor for the Allies, even if this lasted for fifteen years or more. This Jew's lies and slanders gave the Allies the foundation for their assertion of Germany's sole guilt for the World War. When Germans protested against these terrible lies, the Allies responded with scorn and disregard, saying that these conclusions were based on, or intensified by a German, even a minister president.

This Jew's opinions and lies were not an isolated instance, unlike those of other Jews. He only said plainly what the others thought and said. This was clear when the enemy alliance released its "peace conditions," Article 231 of which declared Germany entirely responsible for the war. All of Germany rose as one man against this insane accusation. The Jew and his lackeys, however, however, attacked the German people in the rear at this decisive hour by providing the enemy with material to show that "honest Germans" also affirmed Germany's guilt.

The Jew Siegfied Jacobsohn's Weltbühne wrote:

"Yes, the war was consciously and intentionally caused by Germany's former rulers. We were not attacked, no, we attacked!"

"The guilty ones who caused this are solely the rulers of Germany and Austria-Hungary."

"Of all the terrible events of this terrible year, what is probably the most terrible? ... Is it the villainous lie that our people was whipped into an aggressive war that was from its first moment hopeless, a war senselessly extended for years like some kind of crazy game of roulette? The lie that after the collapse dulled the brain day in, day out, inflaming passions and hatred rather than the modest reflection and self-accusation that was appropriate?"

"The main culprits in the public and in the press know well enough that the guilt question is the central issue, that the former system wanted the war, brought it about, lost it through stupidity and carelessness despite all its horrors, and is responsible for all the terrible things of the present day."

In this and similar ways, those who some people that were "German" Jews attacked the German people, encouraging its enemies to wage an energetic campaign of destruction that was entirely agreeable to the Jews, intended to force Germany into slavery and dependence. It seemed as if the Jews succeeded in their goal of gaining power, throwing the German people to the ground with the help of the peoples of the earth. Still, Jewish cowardice and fear worried about the giant laying on the ground, so the opponent had to be incited even further to make the defenseless even more defenseless, to make the Jew even more sure of his rule.

Besides that sort of "German citizen," who to advance his own lust for power was willing to spread lies and slanders every day about "German guilt for the World War" for the Allies and the rest of the world, there was another sort for whom "German war guilt" was a "business." The Czech Jew Kautsky, who wrote a book on German war guilt, discovered how to do that. Someone who had to knew the details about what this Hebrew was up to had this to say in November 1919 in the Glocke:

"Kautsky wanted to make a lot of money... and decided, therefore, to cause a political sensation.... He wanted to exploit the war. He wanted to dig deep into the pockets of the reading public."

One would not say that there not so-called "Germans" who back then were willing to earn a few silver coins by betraying weapons caches, etc., to enemy military authorities. These were, and remained, individual instances, and whenever such a traitor became known, he had the contempt of all those who had remained decent. Only Jews and Jewish lackeys attempted to praise a dirty deed and to play it up as a good example.

The Jewish denunciations and actions that made Germany the guilty party for the World War were not individual cases, but rather followed a policy that above all aimed at forcing Germany and the German people into a lasting submission to Jewish rule. Calling on the enemy powers for assistance was simply a means to an end. Jewry's unprecedented betrayal of the German people bore its fruit. The provisions of the dictate of Versailles were based on Jewish denunciations, and the Jew could not have hoped for a better way to demoralize and crush the German people. The path was open for him. Nothing of any significance in Germany was left independent of him, nothing escaped Judah's command.

Even before the War, the German economy and the German financial system were almost exclusively a Jewish domain. Now they were absolutely so. This was the case not only for the Jews living in Germany, but for Jews all over the world, especially the Jewish billionaires in America, who became the rulers of the German people. Since the German people was made guilty for the war, it was forced to pay reparations. To meet the demands of the enemy powers, it had to take countless loans from Jewish high finance within Germany as well as abroad. These loans were granted only under the harshest conditions by Jewish bankers and financial hyenas, who "earned" vast sums, as each German learned from his own experience. The consequence of this policy of exploitation was that the German people, the German state, were plundered in an unprecedented way, while at the same time the Jew, particularly in Germany, rose higher and higher. Jewish bank and stock exchange capital in Germany and the rest of the world became Germany's true ruler. In ways both visible and invisible, Judah guided Germany's fate. Behind the scenes international bankers and stock exchange leaders were in charge, on stage, in the eye of the people, it was Jewish "ministers," or those dependent them, both in the states and the Reich, who determined the fate of the German people, and their business.

[Lieferung 23 (November 1935)]

A look at the list of ministers in the past years shows how Germany was then governed. In the first and following revolutionary governments, we find these names: Hirsch, James Simon, Haase, Bernstein, Rosenfeld, Schlesinger, Wurm, Cohn, Bresin, Katzenstein, Weyl, Landberg, Gradnauer, Preuß, Cohn, Printz, Herzfeld, Heimann, Eisner, Bauer, Ludo Hartmann, Adler, Königsberger, Jaffé, Fliedner, Haas, Löwengaard.

In the workers' and soldiers' councils of 1918/1919 we find the names of the following "workers" and "soldiers:" Lewin, Manasse, Cohn, Fraenkel, Israelowicz, Löwenberg, Stern, Hertz, Knoblauch, Seeligmann, Hertzfeld, Lewinsohn, Ruben, Grünberg, Cohen, Katzenstein, Lipp, Toller, Lewinen, Kalliski, Landauer, Nathan, Sontheimer, Mühlbaum, Cromauer, Saubert, Mühsam, etc.

It did not occur to the German worker and the German soldier, who had fought for their homeland and the life of their people, that those who represented their interests in a supposedly victorious revolution were everything other than workers, and had done everything but protect Germany, with weapon in hand. Instead, they were creatures whose subversive activity had succeeded in darkness. One one side of the speaker's podium they proclaimed their strongest support for their audience's interests, but on the other side they threw the heroism of unknown soldiers into the muck in the most outrageous manner.

The "Constitution of the German Reich," which according to its opening words stemmed from the "German people" itself, was the work of none other than the Jew Dr. Preuß.

The Jews gained many seats in the "people's representative bodies" in both the states and the Reich; in all the committees of the Reichstag and other such bodies, Jews determined Germany's fate. Usually, these bodies did not need to make any decisions, for the decisions had already been worked out in the countless salons in which the "prominent people" of the time met. He who wanted to be significant, who wanted to have his say, opened such a salon, at which the "cream of society" met to decide things, based on what was offered and on their relationships with the ministers of the "people's legislative bodies." That Judah was among its own kind does not need to be said.

Germany was a playground not only for the Jews who lived here. The selling out of Germany lured them from all corners of Europe, particularly the children of Moses from the East.

At the same time that tens of thousands of peoples comrades were leaving the homeland, and had to leave it, because it could no longer provide them with what they needed to survive, an endless horde of racially foreign elements crossed the eastern border of the Reich to take whatever they could from the continuing decline. This fact alone proves clearly the Jew's role as a parasite and destroyer of any form of labor.

Between 1910 and 1925, 75,000 Jews immigrated to Germany. They particularly settled in big cities. Thus, the percentage of Jews in Breslau rose to 15%, in Berlin to 20%, in Altona-Hamburg to 25%, and in Magdeburg to 32%.

Since immigration was difficult during the war years, the main part of this migration occurred in the years after the revolution of 1918, reaching its high point in 1922/23 as Germany suffered the worst of the great inflation.

During these years, there was nothing left in Germany that was not controlled by the Jew, or that was not at least under his influence.

We have already considered the power of Judah in politics. It was no different in the economy, in cultural life, etc.