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Old September 25th, 2006 #1
alex
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Default The selling out of nationalism in France

Quote:
A Joan of Arc for France's Far Right

By Stefan Simons

In 2002, far-right candidate Jean-Marie Le Pen managed 17 percent of the vote. This time around, he may do even better -- partly because of his charismatic, attractive daughter Marine. She's steering the party away from skinheads and toward the French countryside.

After clearing the plates, the waiters are serving the dessert, a fruit tart, after a dinner of vol-au-vent and beef bourguignon. The air is warm and humid in the banquet room of the "Relais du Miel" in Montargis, a small city only two hours south of Paris by car, where 220 guests are sipping coffee and after-dinner drinks. But before the guests' drinks can be refilled, the restaurant, normally a venue for weddings and village festivals, becomes respectfully still. On one side of the banquet room, which is decorated with blue, white and red cockades, a tall blonde woman grasps the microphone.

Marine Le Pen doesn't waste any time. "France isn't doing well," says the deputy chairman of the Front National (FN), or National Front, "we know it and everyone else knows it, but no one does anything about it."

Her words are met with a murmur of approval -- and the sound of teaspoons scraping against sugar bowls. Le Pen's audience, some of whom have come here from neighboring districts, and some with their wives and children in tow, form a representative cross-section of the region: shopkeepers and truck drivers, government bureaucrats, teachers and lawyers. Everyone seems to know everyone else -- and the speaker apparently knows most of her audience members, who she calls by their first names.

Speaking in a smoky voice, the 38-year-old Le Pen gives a passionate speech about the consequences of globalization and the growing national debt, criticizing European Union expansion and what she calls Brussels' "euro dictatorship." She talks about out-of-control immigration, a growing crime rate and the difficult situations ordinary citizens find themselves in. Her speech is a gloomy diagnosis of the Fifth Republic, a tirade against the deterioration of traditional values and the decline of the French people and nation. "This," says Marine Le Pen, "must finally come to an end."

"Le Pen in the Elysee!"

Her words are met with enthusiastic applause. Montargis is typical of "la France profonde" -- the country's rural regions, which many of the French still consider the indestructible heart of their civilization, despite economic crisis, structural change and emigration. Le Pen, a Parisian, cleverly suggests that this is the place where a revitalization of the fatherland could begin, this place where the heart of the "Grande Nation" still beats on the correct side, by which she means the "right side." "We need you," Le Pen assures her listeners. "Hope for France -- Le Pen in the Elysée!"

"She's right," says Simon, a retired construction contractor from the Marne region, shouting to make himself heard over mounting applause. He dabs the sweat from his brow and nods appreciatively in the direction of the guest of honor. "She is of the same caliber as the old man. Our Marine is the Joan of Arc of the Front National."

Simon's comparison with Le Pen's legendary father seems bold. But while the French public becomes increasingly obsessed with every detail of the battle between Ségolène Royal, the Socialists' rising star, and her conservative rival, Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy for the best starting position in the upcoming presidential election, Marine Le Pen is secretly billing herself as the favorite of France's far right.

Thirty-four years after the party was founded, her combative father remains the uncontested captain on the bridge of the "steamship" -- the name party members call the FN headquarters at "Montretout," an imposing mansion in Paris suburb Saint-Cloud. Nevertheless, all signs point to Marine soon taking the reins from her 78-year-old father.

The changing of the guard, though overdue, won't happen before 2007, after Jean-Marie Le Pen's fifth bid for the French presidency. Le Pen launched his presidential campaign last Wednesday, calling it "revenge for 2002." Four years ago the FN patriarch triggered a political earthquake when he captured just under 17 percent of the vote in the first round, knocking then Prime Minister Lionel Jospin, a Socialist, out of the race. Only in the second round was Le Pen defeated by current President Jacques Chirac. But this time around he plans to surpass his performance in 2002. "Retreat means giving in to pressure from the enemy," says the former paratrooper, "and the word retreat is not part of my vocabulary."

Preparing for the future

Indeed, the FN's -- and its chairman's -- influence extends well into the conservative and middle class camp. According to opinion polls, Le Pen could capture up to 18 percent of the vote, a result which places towards the top of a list including more than two dozen presidential hopefuls -- and well ahead of his right-wing adversaries, such as Philippe de Villiers of the patriotic "Movement for France" and Bruno Mégret, the head the "National Republican Movement," an FN splinter group.

Le Pen has been cultivating the country's right-wing territory for more than five decades with his unwavering message. He wants to see illegal immigrants deported and promises to be tough on crime, an approach that fans the flames of hidden xenophobia. And with his promise to shake up the entrenched ruling castes in the government, business and administration, he has put his finger on the uniquely French sense of "morosité" -- a blend of frustration, helplessness and general unhappiness with government. "The Le Pen bomb," wrote the magazine L'Express in its cover story last week, "has not yet been defused."

The leader of the National Front is "more complex that is generally believed," warns Marcel Gauchet, academic director of the University of the Social Sciences and editor-in-chief of the professional journal Le Débat. "He combines old right-wing extremism with a demagogic version of republicanism."

But despite having ruled out a departure from politics, Le Pen began preparing for the future long ago.

With an eye to preserving his life's work, he has tapped his favorite daughter as the standard-bearer of his ideological legacy.

In addition to having her father's famous name, the "Slavic beauty" (a term Marine coined herself) is every bit her father's daughter when it comes to the ruthlessness with which she pursues her goals. Moreover, the heir to the throne comes with a life history that gels with the intrigues, feuds and personal tragedies that have peppered the right-wing extremist organization's history.

Her first encounters with politics were, as she says of the "most violent, gruesome and brutal nature." When Marine was eight, a bomb attack on her family destroyed the Le Pen's house in Paris's 15th arondissement. Miraculously, no one was killed in the attack. But the experience left Marine with a feeling of helplessness and exclusion. Besides being treated poorly in school by her leftist teachers, Marine was often ignored by her absent parents as they fought their ongoing political battle for the party and nation. She was only able to establish a closer relationship with her father when, at the age of 13, she was permitted to accompany him during an election campaign in Paris's eastern districts.

Marital spat in Playboy

The FN's 1984 success, when 10 of its delegates became members of the European Parliament, was followed by a year of family disasters. The Le Pens' storybook right-wing wedding fell apart when Marine's mother, Pierrette, moved to America with her husband's biographer and later demanded alimony. "Then let her clean houses," was the cuckolded husband's response. Pierrette's next move was to pose nude for Playboy, wearing an apron and wielding a bucket and a mop. Marine describes her parents' bitter and very public quarrel as a "descent into hell."

She studied law and defended illegal immigrants, but her family name proved to be a handicap when she attempted to start a career as a corporate lawyer. She returned to the lap of the party and her family, becoming the FN's legal advisor. Divorced, remarried and the mother of three children, she soon embarked on her own political career. When the party split apart in 1999, FN leader Le Pen would trust no one but his own family, and together with his children, grandchildren and relatives, he eventually transformed the movement into a family political enterprise.

Marine assumed the leading role in this venture. Since her father's surprise success in April 2002, she has served as the party's figurehead. With her elegance and eloquence, she quickly became a darling of the talk shows, and her sudden prominence brought her a seat in the European Parliament, a seat on the Paris regional council and, finally, a position within the party's leadership. In 2003, Marine's father appointed her deputy chairman of the National Front.

Since then Marine has sought to steer the "steamship" away from its extremist right-wing waters and into the patriotic center. If Le Pen has her way, the National Front will not only become electable but also capable of capturing a majority and -- perhaps in the distant future -- even gain control of the government. Instead of the shrill provocations against foreigners and Jews, which brought her father lawsuits and expensive verdicts, the daughter intends to transform the heterogeneous group into a respectable right-wing party. To achieve this goal, she has clearly distanced herself from skinheads and extremists in combat boots.

Together with fellow party members, Marine created an organization known as "Le Pen Generations," an intellectual group for political youth in which the hottest topic of debate is a new "governing culture." The party already has almost two dozen of these interest groups, including the club for "Hunting, Fishing and the Environment," the "League for Life" and the "National Circle of Jewish Frenchmen."

A shift to the center

Marine has also distanced herself from the party's traditional extremist demands, no longer calling for the abolishment of the euro and branding the European Union as the enemy of French sovereignty. In keeping with this new direction for the National Front, the deputy chairman has even given herself a new look. Eleven kilos lighter and sporting a fashionable hairdo, Le Pen new embodies National Front's modern look. In her autobiography ("Against the Current"), Marine Le Pen even reveals herself as a cautious critic of her powerful father.

But as much as Marine's new, slimmer and more fashionable look meets with enthusiasm among her supporters, the FN's traditionalists are vehemently opposed to her efforts to soften the party's ideology. Her understanding for opponents of globalization ("They ask the right questions but have the wrong arguments") doesn't sit well with the party's more dogmatic members, and her sympathy for homosexuals and abortion has set off grumbling among its Catholic traditionalists.

But the deputy chairman doesn't allow such troublemakers to break her stride. "A vote for our party is no longer an act of rebellion. Our voters are no longer merely those with failed lives," she says, explaining the shift in direction. "Thirty years ago, we were alone in our views, but today our demands are more popular." Of course, the party also runs the risk of losing its solid core of radical right-wing voters.

Aware of these challenges, the FN strategist attempts to perform a balancing act during the campaign appearance at the "Relais du Miel." First she defends the party's move toward the center and admonishes her audience to approach "the political opponent." But then Marine, following entirely in her father's footsteps, castigates France's conservative government.

The National Front's main adversary, says Le Pen, is not the Socialists' leading candidate, Ségolène Royal, but Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy, who has co-opted one of her father's favorite causes with his staunchly right-wing rhetoric against the "ills of immigration." "Nicolas Sarkozy has abolished the deportation of criminal illegals," she says. "Sarkozy is a danger to France."

She ends her speech with a passionate appeal to support her father. "France is at stake," she calls out into the room, "talk to your neighbors and support Jean-Marie Le Pen -- so that our fellow Frenchmen vote for the original, not the copy."

Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan


http://www.spiegel.de/international/...438973,00.html
This is not good news. It will have impacts beyond the borders of France. The Front National is seen by many european nationalists as the role model by which they form their own nationalist parties too.

Griffin of the BNP for example has stated that he intends to copy the example of the FN.

Its therefore of the outmost importance in Germany that we crush any form of reactionerism wihin the NPD. As the party becomes more popular and successfull we must ensure that it never waters down its message. On the contrary we should push the NPD to ever greater radicalism with each passing year.

In that consequence, we must as German nationalists do whatever we can to stop an alliance of the NPD with the reactionery Republikaner. Such fusion will have disastrous consequences on the party's objectives. The alliance with the DVU is useless and should be dropped too.

The enemy of nationalism in Europe are not outside of the movement. They are within the movement. We must out them and crush their ideas and policies. We dont want a bourgeois, law-and-order , moderate right wing party. We want a radical, anti-zionist, anti-immigrant and anti-capitalist party !

As long as the NPD remains a radical party and increases its radicalism,every one of its election victory's strengthens the backs of true nationalists in Europe and is a slapping defeat to the reactionery forces within the movement.
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Last edited by alex; September 25th, 2006 at 07:59 AM.
 
Old September 25th, 2006 #2
Geoff Beck
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Quote:
Originally Posted by alex
This is not good news. It will have impacts beyond the borders of France. The Front National is seen by many european nationalists as the role model by which they form their own nationalist parties too.

Griffin of the BNP for example has stated that he intends to copy the example of the FN.

Its therefore of the outmost importance in Germany that we crush any form of reactionerism wihin the NPD. As the party becomes more popular and successfull we must ensure that it never waters down its message. On the contrary we should push the NPD to ever greater radicalism with each passing year.

In that consequence, we must as German nationalists do whatever we can to stop an alliance of the NPD with the reactionery Republikaner. Such fusion will have disastrous consequences on the party's objectives. The alliance with the DVU is useless and should be dropped too.

The enemy of nationalism in Europe are not outside of the movement. They are within the movement. We must out them and crush their ideas and policies. We dont want a bourgeois, law-and-order , moderate right wing party. We want a radical, anti-zionist, anti-immigrant and anti-capitalist party !

As long as the NPD remains a radical party and increases its radicalism,every one of its election victory's strengthens the backs of true nationalists in Europe and is a slapping defeat to the reactionery forces within the movement.
Quote:
The party already has almost two dozen of these interest groups, including the club for "Hunting, Fishing and the Environment," the "League for Life" and the "National Circle of Jewish Frenchmen."
Interesting, it seems, this too is the model followed by Vlaams Belang, formerly Vlaams Blok. If such trends continue the BNP, FN, and Vlaams Belang may become nothing more than the phoney liberal parties under a new name.
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Old September 25th, 2006 #3
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Marine's father seems to prefer professor Bruno Gollnisch, a much more radical figure as his succesor to the party leadership.On October 11, 2004 Bruno Gollnisch declared
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bruno_Gollnisch:
[There is no longer] any serious historian that stick integrally to the conclusions of the Nuremberg Trial.
I do not question the existence of concentration camps but historians could discuss the number of deaths. As to the existence of gas chambers, it is up to historians to decide. [1] in reaction to a report denouncing the complacent attitude of the Lyon III university with respect to the far right. Bruno Gollnisch reiterated his declarations shortly after.
Check out also http://www.gollnisch.com
 
Old September 25th, 2006 #4
Hugo Böse
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It is a tough call, should these parties do whatever it takes to get elected or should they stay totally true to their values and be powerless. I believe that nationalist parties don't necessarily have to take over government to be useful, if they win a substantial portion of the vote they may, in some ways, affect how the other parties behave. In a way, a strong nationalist minority party could keep the winning parties somewhat honest because of the fear of losing votes to them. A strong and threatening nationalist party may particularly affect the behavior of the mainstream conservative parties, they can not pander as much to the cultural Marxists as they would like.
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Old September 25th, 2006 #5
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Quote:
Originally Posted by alex
This is not good news. It will have impacts beyond the borders of France. The Front National is seen by many european nationalists as the role model by which they form their own nationalist parties too.

Griffin of the BNP for example has stated that he intends to copy the example of the FN.

Its therefore of the outmost importance in Germany that we crush any form of reactionerism wihin the NPD. As the party becomes more popular and successfull we must ensure that it never waters down its message. On the contrary we should push the NPD to ever greater radicalism with each passing year.

In that consequence, we must as German nationalists do whatever we can to stop an alliance of the NPD with the reactionery Republikaner. Such fusion will have disastrous consequences on the party's objectives. The alliance with the DVU is useless and should be dropped too.

The enemy of nationalism in Europe are not outside of the movement. They are within the movement. We must out them and crush their ideas and policies. We dont want a bourgeois, law-and-order , moderate right wing party. We want a radical, anti-zionist, anti-immigrant and anti-capitalist party !

As long as the NPD remains a radical party and increases its radicalism,every one of its election victory's strengthens the backs of true nationalists in Europe and is a slapping defeat to the reactionery forces within the movement.
Du hast die Wahrheit gesprochen!!
You are spot on with your analysis of the current European situation.
The NPD remains the only significant racial nationalist party in northern Europe.
The danger of organisational growth is compromise with the forces of reactionary conservatism.As a movement we must begin to see that capitalism is just as much our enemy as Der Ewige Jude.
One of the many tools of the zionists to corrupt our Volk and Rasse.
Capitalism is the driving force behind multiculturalism and the globalist society and hence must be resisted forcefully.
The BNP has already arrived at the point that the Front National is at now.
Our only hope-Europa`s only hope is that the NPD continues to grow in power.
Aus Deutschland must come the Aryan and National Socialist revolution.
It is after all the Vaterland of the Ario-germanic race.
The revolution,if begun in Germany will spread outwards throughout all Europe-the jew knows this and will do all he can to crush it.
 
Old September 25th, 2006 #6
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Right is Right
It is a tough call, should these parties do whatever it takes to get elected or should they stay totally true to their values and be powerless. I believe that nationalist parties don't necessarily have to take over government to be useful, if they win a substantial portion of the vote they may, in some ways, affect how the other parties behave. In a way, a strong nationalist minority party could keep the winning parties somewhat honest because of the fear of losing votes to them. A strong and threatening nationalist party may particularly affect the behavior of the mainstream conservative parties, they can not pander as much to the cultural Marxists as they would like.
Correct analysis. This is an opinion I also share. By remaining true to their founding and core values they can retain their integrity and act as a `check and balance` on those parties with power,influencing government policy in our direction.
Better that than prostituting oneself for a handful of votes from of the gutter.
 
Old September 25th, 2006 #7
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Quote:
Since then Marine has sought to steer the "steamship" away from its extremist right-wing waters and into the patriotic center. If Le Pen has her way, the National Front will not only become electable but also capable of capturing a majority and -- perhaps in the distant future -- even gain control of the government. Instead of the shrill provocations against foreigners and Jews, which brought her father lawsuits and expensive verdicts, the daughter intends to transform the heterogeneous group into a respectable right-wing party. To achieve this goal, she has clearly distanced herself from skinheads and extremists in combat boots.


At the risk of getting flamed, I will opine that some fights could be delayed for another time in order to achieve a more urgent objective now. France has about 10 million muslims and niggers, that breed like veritable rats and only about 600,000 kikes with a stable to falling population. It may be pragmatic to humor the kikes in order to be able to deal with the most urgent danger right now. The most important first step right now is to at least put a hold on the growth of the mud population, the French no longer have the luxury to dilly dally about ideological purity anymore, the clock is ticking five past twelve.

A good question for miss Le Pen would be, does she want to attain power for the sakes of power alone and gratification of some kind of personal lust and ambition for power, or does she want power in order to save the French people?
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Last edited by Hugo Böse; September 25th, 2006 at 02:14 PM.
 
Old September 25th, 2006 #8
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Right is Right,

let me answer your question with a quote from the text above:

Quote:
"Nicolas Sarkozy has abolished the deportation of criminal illegals," she says. "Sarkozy is a danger to France."
Compare that with the demand of the NPD of an immediate deportation of all criminal foreigners (reagrdless of status) and the repatriation of all foreigners (regardless of status) back to their homelands.

I fear that a FN under Marine LePen will only present a false alternative. And if ever they come to power i highly doubt that the "numbers of foreigners" will decrease substancially. How about Haider's FPÖ? Did anything change after they came to power in Austria? Have we all forgotten the lessons of reactionery forces being a false alternative?
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Old September 25th, 2006 #9
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I hate to throw cold water on this thing.

But there is no such thing as real political power without control of the media.

Any illusions to such political power unsupported by the jew’s media are just more examples of the jew's cattle corrals that neatly control White people.

Even if the NPD were to remain true to it's core values, and place people into high office, it would be only a matter of time before the jew's media would destroy or compromise them. It may take some time, but it would happen. It is not too far down the road to see this inevitable eventuality, is it?

How does a politician fight against the daily onslaught of the jew’s incessant media bashing and lying. The people will be swayed by the jew’s lies. We can't escape this fact.

I’m bursting a bubble here, and I’m sorry for that. My conscience compels me to say it as I see it.

The real solution is to destroy the jew’s ability to control the media. The jew will not give up that power unless they are forcefully eliminated. So there you have it. Back to square one.
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Old September 25th, 2006 #10
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Quote:
Originally Posted by alex
Compare that with the demand of the NPD of an immediate deportation of all criminal foreigners (reagrdless of status) and the repatriation of all foreigners (regardless of status) back to their homelands.
If they never reach any substantial size, all their tough talk will be for nothing, unfortunately.
Quote:
I fear that a FN under Marine LePen will only present a false alternative. And if ever they come to power i highly doubt that the "numbers of foreigners" will decrease substancially. How about Haider's FPÖ? Did anything change after they came to power in Austria? Have we all forgotten the lessons of reactionery forces being a false alternative?
The FPö couldn't do much because of international pressure, that’s another problem to contend with for nationalists. But they did help change attitudes, at least to a small degree and showed Europeans that rightish parties can attain power. Another positive is that they changed the balance of power away from the outright cultural Marxists.
Sure, they were a disappointment, but we can see it as small step towards the right direction.
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Old September 25th, 2006 #11
Hugo Böse
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Quote:
Originally Posted by brutus
I hate to throw cold water on this thing.

But there is no such thing as real political power without control of the media.

Any illusions to such political power unsupported by the jew’s media are just more examples of the jew's cattle corrals that neatly control White people.

Even if the NPD were to remain true to it's core values, and place people into high office, it would be only a matter of time before the jew's media would destroy or compromise them. It may take some time, but it would happen. It is not too far down the road to see this inevitable eventuality, is it?

How does a politician fight against the daily onslaught of the jew’s incessant media bashing and lying. The people will be swayed by the jew’s lies. We can't escape this fact.

I’m bursting a bubble here, and I’m sorry for that. My conscience compels me to say it as I see it.

The real solution is to destroy the jew’s ability to control the media. The jew will not give up that power unless they are forcefully eliminated. So there you have it. Back to square one.
You are absolutely correct; those who control the media ultimately control society and the political process. There is no way around this, if the media doesn't like your party, your party will have no success, it is as simple as that. William Pierce once wrote a piece in which he explained that a democracy is just an illusion for just that reason.
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Old September 26th, 2006 #12
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Right is Right,

if i remember correctly (although i will have to check this up again) the numbers of foreigners in Austria actually increased during the years the FPÖ was in power. International pressure is no excuse and frightens only conservatives and reactioneries.

The only positive thing FPÖ may have contributed to was hope to many nationalists that after 1945 "rightists" parties could very well come back to power.

As for the meaningless of idealism, i actually prefer a small radical party with extreme views pushing the mainstream further to the right than a moderate "rightist" party which doesnt even dare touch the issue of illegal immigrants after coming to power and is afraid of the "international pressure".

Seriously the first would have been much more productive and actually a more successful solution comparing with the "mainstream" way.
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Old September 27th, 2006 #13
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RE: alex

I’ve had the opportunity to listen to you speak again on Geoff’s show, The Truth Is No Defense, and I am very impressed with your lucid explanations of the political dynamics in Europe and of course I’m hearted greatly by the recent election successes.

So impressed as a matter of fact, that I am forced to amend my hard line position against a political solution as described in my previous post on this thread.

It’s possible that political power may be able to mute to power of the jew’s media by legislation. Currently the jew creates laws to silence dissidence, perhaps when Whites are in control of government, Whites will create laws to neuter the jew’s media.

This may very well work in Germany. I’m still not convinced such is possible in America. However, if Germany can produce a productive model, we in America would be wise to follow. Thank you.

Great show......alex and Geoff!
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Last edited by brutus; September 27th, 2006 at 01:02 AM.
 
Old September 27th, 2006 #14
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Geoff Beck
Interesting, it seems, this too is the model followed by Vlaams Belang, formerly Vlaams Blok. If such trends continue the BNP, FN, and Vlaams Belang may become nothing more than the phoney liberal parties under a new name.
Like all women careerists she supports abortion and of course she's not going to be anti-gay - who else is she going to get to decorate her apartment or cut her hair? But I wouldn't jump the gun here. This is a publicity piece (I'd like to know who her publicist is). I doubt this modern day Marie Antoinette will get anywhere near the support she craves for her brainless schemes with the party faithful.

The FN will follow Le Pen, whether they will then follow his spoilt brat is another matter altogether.
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Last edited by Harry Flash; September 27th, 2006 at 02:26 AM.
 
Old September 27th, 2006 #15
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From our good friends at Haaretz
Fri., March 19, 2004

Le Pen will fight anti-Semitism, says his Jewish running mate

"Our region needs something better. Our religion does too!" reads the opening line of a letter distributed in recent weeks among the Jewish community in Provence-Alpes-Cote d'Azur, one of the largest and most important regions in France. Behind the letter is Sonia Arrouas, a 42-year-old Jewish woman, and No. 4 on the regional list of Jean-Marie Le Pen's National Front party.

On Sunday, French citizens go to the polls in regional elections that are viewed as a significant test of the balance of power and the National Front's position in the country. Arrouas has been working full tilt for her candidate, Le Pen - the only person, in her opinion, who can solve France's problems, the only one who "can put an end to the authorities' incompetence in the face of anti-Semitic aggression."

Arrouas's letter continues: "Has France become an anti-Semitic state? No, but anti-Semitism is dangerously on the rise in a number of regions, including our region. We must not err in identifying the source of the evil: Those responsible for the anti-Semitic incidents, for the most part, come from the Maghreb countries. These worrisome people must not be allowed to harm our community. The Jews' faith [in the authorities] has cracked. Therefore, I decided to fight with you for our region, for our security and for our religion. Therefore, I decided to stand as a candidate in the elections alongside Jean-Marie Le Pen. Let's stop the disinformation!!! Come and sign up."

Arrouas, a jurist, businesswoman and a mother of three, was born in Paris to a traditional Jewish family from Tunisia and Algeria. She tries to come to Israel often to visit her relatives. She says she supports Le Pen because she grew up "in a patriotic family for which law and order was our daily lot;" because for her, September 11 was "very traumatic;" because the Muslim girls' headscarves affair "intensified my fears;" and because she has no intention "of being left at the mercy of the radical Muslims."

Arrouas says she became "an anti-fundamentalist and was naturally drawn to the figure who refuses to allow the radical Muslims in France to get stronger. Had they listened to Le Pen, there wouldn't be so many extremists like these in France. One must not show tolerance for those who have no tolerance."

Arrouas sees Le Pen as a repentant man who has changed his anti-Semitic views thanks to, among other things, his 1991 marriage to his second wife, Jany, "some of whose best friends, including myself, are Jews." Arrouas says she is very proud of "Le Pen's admiration for the State of Israel," adding: "He has always identified with Israel's policy of defense in the face of the aggression of the Arab world."

Arrouas, who serves as Le Pen's unofficial adviser on Jewish issues, is not afraid to be labeled "the Jewess of," noting: "I am not alone. More and more Jews identify with me and will therefore give him their vote. Many recognize that he expresses out loud what they feel in their hearts."

Jean Marie Le Pen's daughter, Marine, who is running for leadership of the Ile de France region, also speaks of increasing Jewish support for the National Front. "The Jews have started to take an interest in our manifesto. They perceive us differently. The misunderstandings of the past are fading," she told Haaretz.

Marine Le Pen says she doesn't have numbers to support this claim, but notes that from talks she has held with friends in the Jewish community, it is clear to her that "they understand that the real danger for them lies in the [Arab] immigration. The Jews are being forced to take the aggression and racism of the immigrants twice - once for being French, and again for being Jews."

Marine Le Pen calls on the Jews of France "to fight here with us against the intensifying immigration problem," and to withstand the pressure they are under to immigrate to Israel.

"The Jews have understood who is truly responsible for anti-Semitism," Jean-Marie Le Pen said in an interview with Haaretz published last week. "Some of them, therefore, are happy about the existence of the National Front, which they perceive as [a party] that can protect them."

Jewish philosopher Alain Finkielkraut says the French Jews' support for the National Front stems from their fear of what he terms "the Islamic-extreme left-wing alliance," which is responsible today for the spread of anti-Semitism in France.

The fact that Tarak Ben Ammar, a Muslim film producer, took on the task of distributing Mel Gibson's "The Passion of the Christ," Finkielkraut says, illustrates the problem: "It wasn't someone from the extreme right, from the Catholic-fundamentalist school, who became the film's distributor, but a Muslim."
 
Old September 27th, 2006 #16
alex
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alex
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Yes thank you brutus.

Politics of course is not everything and standing on elections is not the all and everything solution. If i beleived it were than i would myself already be a member of the NPD. What i left out and is nevertheless interesting is the tactic the NPD pursued until 2001 when it was dragged to court.

From 1997 till 2001 the NPD pursued not only the way of the elections but also that of the mass-demonstrations. The idea was that the party could be able to mobilize hundreds of thousends of Germans on the streets and eventually march with them into the capital and overthrow the system by that way. Just like east-Germans in 1989 or Mussolini with his blackshirts on his march to Rome.

Many of the NPD's major rallies and demonstrations in the years from 1997 till 2001 ended with brutal clashes with the police.

Although the party no longer pursues this tactic as a possible way to power many radical forces outside of the party still do and engage in "aggressive" street activism.

Anyway, the political way may not be the all-solving answer. But a movement without a political arm? I dont think so and thats why its the mixture which is the solution. We need a bit of everything.
__________________
In the age of Globalization,its not the international Left,but the nationalist Right,which is the true anticapitalist force,which will set restrictions on the international Capital and will secure and improve the nation-state as a social shelter.
 
Old September 27th, 2006 #17
alex
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Quote:
NEO-NAZIS ON THE MOVE IN GERMANY
How the Far Right Plans to Grow

By Gunther Latsch, Irina Repke and Steffen Winter

Germany's far-right National Democratic Party is on the move. After recent successes at the polls in eastern Germany, the neo-Nazis now have their sights set on Bavaria and the national parliament. It's also improving relations with far-right militants.

A man is wandering around Schwerin Castle. Short, bald and wearing a dark suit, he tries every door, but most are locked. There is almost no one else in the castle, which houses the parliament (Landtag) for the eastern state of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. It is Monday, Sept. 18, the day after the state parliamentary elections in which Germany's far right National Democratic Party (NPD) captured 7.3 percent of the vote.

But the man eventually finds what he is looking for. He enters a room and squints at a group of people wielding champagne glasses and surrounding Landtag President Sylvia Bretschneider, a member of the Social Democratic Party (SPD). The visitor amiably greets the group with the words "bottoms up" and asks for the director of the Landtag. He is here to discuss the future assignment of seats in the state parliament. The revelers are amused at the man's question and want to know who could possibly be in such a hurry. They practically drop their glasses at the man's response: "Peter Marx, NPD parliamentary group. We are ready to begin."

The anecdote, which Marx recounts with a smirk, is indicative of his party's self-confidence. It's the same self-assured smirk a number of NPD members had on their faces last Thursday when they greeted a group of journalists at their dilapidated headquarters building in Berlin's Köpenick neighborhood.

At the press conference, NPD leader Udo Voigt was joined by Udo Pastörs, the future head of the party's parliamentary group in Schwerin, Pastörs' campaign manager, Holger Apfel -- whose main job is running the NPD's parliamentary group in the state of Saxony's parliament -- and Gerhard Frey, the head of the extremist right-wing German People's Union (DVU). Surrounded by his supporters, Voigt told reporters about the party's plans for the future. In the wake of its successes in Schwerin and Berlin, where the NPD managed to win seats in four of the region's twelve district parliaments, Voigt said he plans to "strengthen our current bastions" and then "energetically approach the West." Next on the agenda for the NPD, also known in Germany as the "browns," are the Bavarian state elections in 2008 and national parliamentary elections in 2009.

"Germany pact"

The party plans to pursue a strategy of showing up the democratic parties in the respective parliaments and expanding its cooperation with what it calls "unaffiliated groups of comrades" within the neo-Nazi community. The NPD also intends to open citizens' offices and provide social services, which it expects to fund with government subsidies for campaign costs and parliamentary stipends for members' offices. Finally, Voigt plans to integrate the remnants of the struggling far-right party the Republicans into the NPD's and DVU's "Germany pact," which determines who runs for office and where.

Peter Marx is considered the mastermind behind the right-wing parties' strategy. Marx, who wears many hats -- as the NPD's deputy national chairman, its state chairman in the western state of Rhineland-Palatinate and the current head of the NPD parliamentary group in Saxony's Landtag -- will move to Schwerin to manage the party's new six-member parliamentary group and ensure it causes the necessary commotion once its members assume their new positions.

As has already been the case in Saxony, provocation will be the order of the day for the NPD's delegates to the state parliament in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. Two years ago, Marx scored a headline-grabbing coup during the election of Saxony's governor in Dresden. The governor position is elected by the state parliament, and Marx's candidate garnered two more votes than the NPD actually had in parliament. German newspapers wondered for weeks which delegates from the established parties might have defected to the far right.

Marx is already thinking about using the same strategy in Schwerin. "Secret agreements are always good for surprises," he says. And he still has other schemes up his sleeve. For example, the region's branch of the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) is closely aligned with Erika Steinbach, president of the Federation of the Expellees -- a non-profit organization formed to represent the interests of Germans displaced from their homes after World War II. The Federation has raised eyebrows in Poland, Czech Republic and Berlin with their wish to create a center documenting the fate of Germans forced to leave their eastern European homes at the end of the war. The NPD plans to stir up trouble in the Landtag by proposing a monument in downtown Schwerin to commemorate these expulsions -- and is hoping to get some from other parties to vote in favor of the plan.

Coordinating tactics

The NPD also has plans to make a laughing stock of the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) -- which also captured seats in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania's Landtag for the first time and made its opposition to a proposed increase in Germany's value-added tax a central element of its campaign platform. They want to launch an initiative in the Bundesrat, the upper house of the German parliament, to repeal the increase. "The FDP will hardly be able to vote against it," Marx gloats -- and will thus be in the uncomfortable position of allying itself with the far right.

Marx plans to coordinate his state organization's tactics with those of the NPD parliamentary group in Saxony in the future. Holger Apfel, who also heads the NPD parliamentary group in Saxony, is already boasting about what he calls a "Dresden-Schwerin axis."

Pastörs also stresses that the NPD's new delegates to the Mecklenburg-West Pomerania Landtag will hardly make with parliamentary committees much of a priority. If one adds the NPD's 7.3 percent of the vote to the roughly 40 percent of the electorate that shunned the polls, says Pastörs, it becomes obvious that "we are dealing with a clear rejection of the current system." Pastörs plans to devote his "full efforts to continuing to motivate and integrate the non-parliamentary national opposition" in the future.

He is referring to the so-called "unaffiliated groups of comrades," loose-knit collections of neo-Nazis in Germany's northeast sporting names such as the National Germanic Brotherhood and the Aryan Warriors. These groups had been critical of the NPD for years. They considered the party too tame and too old -- that is, until neo-Nazis like Thomas Wulff, nicknamed "Steiner," brought the troops to Voigt's more sedate colleagues.

Offering jobs to rowdy skinheads

"For the first time, the concept of a right-wing peoples' front has been fully realized in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania," Marx raves. An attempt to form a similar alliance failed in Saxony, where combative young would-be storm troopers were incensed over the NPD's parliamentary delegates in their business suits and official cars. But, according to Marx, the composition of the new parliamentary group in Schwerin shows that the NPD has learned from these squabbles. This time around, he says, the party plans to placate its rowdier members with official positions and money.

Tino Müller, an extremist who launched a citizens' initiative against a planned residential facility for asylum-seekers, is the deputy head of the NPD's parliamentary group in the new Landtag. Birger Lüssow, a member of the radical "Action Group for Fortress City Rostock," will represent the movement's violent wing in the state parliament, while others can look forward to well-paid jobs as staff members within the NPD parliamentary group.

The NPD also expects to involve its young Nazi members in its planned offensive into communal politics. According to Voigt, the party will establish "social guidance offices" in Berlin and Mecklenburg-West Pomerania, mainly to lure voters away from the post-communist Left Party. Voigt, in an absurd take on the NPD's plans, says: "The social question will be resolved nationally or not at all."

"There is no doubt," says Hubertus Buchstein, a professor of political science at Greifswald University -- which is located in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania , "that the NPD has become more successful since it abandoned its claim to be sole representative (of German right-wing extremists) and has opened its doors to the comrade groups." But whether this balancing act between thugs and loudmouths will last is questionable.

"We'll get to the Bundestag"

NPD leader Voigt is optimistic. In eastern Pomerania, where the NPD captured more than 30 percent of the vote in several villages, he plans to "take a shot at the first mayoral positions" during the next round of communal elections -- a lofty goal, given the right-wingers apparent aversion to work.

A study recently published by Greifswald University, titled "The NPD in the Mecklenburg-West Pomerania Communal Elections," points out the wide rift between the party's claims and reality, especially at the communal level. So far the NPD has only managed to capture ten seats on municipal councils in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania, and its delegates have in fact been "present at virtually all council sessions and have even stayed to the end of each session." But, say the authors of the study, the NPD's representatives have not managed to gain seats on regular committees in any of these four municipal councils, and the right-wingers have also failed to make a splash during plenary sessions. "In (the Baltic seaside town of) Stralsund," the authors write, "it took almost half a year before one of the two NPD council members even managed to find his way to the podium."

Marx, the NPD's man in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania, clearly has his work cut out for him. But Marx already has his sights set beyond Schwerin, with plans to penetrate the Bavarian Landtag in that state's 2008 parliamentary election. "(Bavarian premier Edmund) Stoiber is getting older, and I see a lot of potential there," he says. "If we can make it in Bavaria, we'll get into the Bundestag."

Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan
http://www.spiegel.de/international/...439493,00.html
Has Herr Voigt lost his mind? Where is "Steiner" Wulff? Is he sleeping?
We do not want the Republikaner among us. Left alone they are going to disintegrate on their own. They are useless and dangerous.

Btw the "chairman" of the Republikaner in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern "toured" the land and instead of promoting his own party he bullied the voters into " not voting for the extremists of the NPD and the Left Party".

And with these scum we should ally ourselves with?

As for the national election in 2009. Its way too early to get into national parliament. Instead the NPD should make sure that the communal work in parts of Mecklenburg as well as Saxony and overall east-Germany betters and increases. The situation in Stralsund is unacceptable and embarrassing. Only after the NPD gets a steady 10% in each east-German state can it reach the 5% needed for the national parliament.
__________________
In the age of Globalization,its not the international Left,but the nationalist Right,which is the true anticapitalist force,which will set restrictions on the international Capital and will secure and improve the nation-state as a social shelter.
 
Old September 27th, 2006 #18
Jeune Libertine
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Originally Posted by brutus
I hate to throw cold water on this thing.

But there is no such thing as real political power without control of the media.

Any illusions to such political power unsupported by the jew’s media are just more examples of the jew's cattle corrals that neatly control White people.

Even if the NPD were to remain true to it's core values, and place people into high office, it would be only a matter of time before the jew's media would destroy or compromise them. It may take some time, but it would happen. It is not too far down the road to see this inevitable eventuality, is it?

How does a politician fight against the daily onslaught of the jew’s incessant media bashing and lying. The people will be swayed by the jew’s lies. We can't escape this fact.

I’m bursting a bubble here, and I’m sorry for that. My conscience compels me to say it as I see it.

The real solution is to destroy the jew’s ability to control the media. The jew will not give up that power unless they are forcefully eliminated. So there you have it. Back to square one.
You are correct. Change is never going to occur within the current system. An electoral success is simply not enough. It is not enough because there is a very real war being waged against Europe, and a war cannot be won by gaining a majority of seats in some parliament. Political power is what is needed, and political power does not lie with the majority party. That is mere partial administrative authority. It lies with the purveyors of the constitution and democratic system. A suspension of the democratic system, a suspension of the German constitution, a free media blackout and the liquidation of opponents: these are absolutely necessary measures to be taken. The problem is, how?
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There is only one final solution to the preservation of the existence and purity of the Aryan race.

[CENTER]
 
Old September 27th, 2006 #19
Jeune Libertine
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Quote:
Originally Posted by alex
Yes thank you brutus.

Politics of course is not everything and standing on elections is not the all and everything solution. If i beleived it were than i would myself already be a member of the NPD. What i left out and is nevertheless interesting is the tactic the NPD pursued until 2001 when it was dragged to court.

From 1997 till 2001 the NPD pursued not only the way of the elections but also that of the mass-demonstrations. The idea was that the party could be able to mobilize hundreds of thousends of Germans on the streets and eventually march with them into the capital and overthrow the system by that way. Just like east-Germans in 1989 or Mussolini with his blackshirts on his march to Rome.

Many of the NPD's major rallies and demonstrations in the years from 1997 till 2001 ended with brutal clashes with the police.

Although the party no longer pursues this tactic as a possible way to power many radical forces outside of the party still do and engage in "aggressive" street activism.

Anyway, the political way may not be the all-solving answer. But a movement without a political arm? I dont think so and thats why its the mixture which is the solution. We need a bit of everything.
We have had half a century to infiltrate the military, the police, governmental services etc. Why has this not been pursued? White Nationalists ought to specifically target such personell, not to recruit them, because they are useless to us relieved of duty, but to make them sympathetic to the movement. This might be of critical importance later on.
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There is only one final solution to the preservation of the existence and purity of the Aryan race.

[CENTER]
 
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