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Old June 3rd, 2009 #1
Alex Linder
Join Date: Nov 2003
Posts: 45,434
Blog Entries: 34
Alex Linder
Default Jews are Spies, Traitors and Apologists

[Jews routinely steal information from goy nations and pass it back to Israel. Their jewish friends and relatives in media and politics cover up their actions, and, in the rare cases they're caught, squirt lies to obfuscate the treachery. In this typical example, virtually uncovered in AmeriKwan media, a kike is given a tap on the wrist, decades after the fact, for betraying the goyish nation he served.]

U.S. man evades jail time in 'mysterious' case of spying for Israel
No surprise here.

U.S. man evades jail time in 'mysterious' case of spying for Israel
By Reuters

An 85-year-old former civilian employee of the U.S. Army was fined but avoided prison time on Friday after earlier pleading guilty to giving classified documents to Israel in the 1980s, in a case the sentencing judge said was "shrouded in mystery."

Court documents showed that Ben-Ami Kadish, who was fined $50,000 but spared prison time, reported to the same handler as Jonathan Pollard, an American who spied for Israel in the 1980s and triggered a scandal that rocked U.S.-Israeli relations.

"Why it took the government 23 years to charge Mr. Kadish is shrouded in mystery," U.S. District Judge William Pauley said during the sentencing hearing in Manhattan federal court. "It is clear the [U.S.] government could have charged Mr. Kadish with far more serious crimes."

Kadish pleaded guilty in December to acting as an unregistered agent of Israel. He was arrested in April 2008 on four counts of conspiracy and espionage. The spying charge, dropped under a plea deal, had carried a possible death sentence.

"I am sorry I made a mistake," a frail-looking Kadish said during the sentencing hearing. "I thought I was helping the state of Israel without harming the United States."

The judge said he gave a lenient sentence due to Kadish's age and infirmity, but said Kadish had committed "a grave offense" and had "abused the trust" of the United States. For much of the hearing, Kadish sat slumped in his chair with heavy eyelids. At one stage, he had to be shaken awake by his lawyer.

Prosecutors had recommended no prison time as part of the plea deal. They said between 1980 and 1985 Kadish provided classified documents, including some relating to U.S. missile defense systems, to an Israeli agent, Yosef Yagur, who photographed the documents at Kadish's residence.

Yagur also was Pollard's main Israeli contact. Pollard, a former U.S. Navy intelligence analyst, is serving a life sentence after pleading guilty to spying for Israel in 1986. Israel gave Pollard citizenship in 1996 and acknowledged he was one of its spies in 1998.

During the hearing, the judge questioned a prosecutor as to why it took so long to charge Kadish when the telephone records on which the case was based were available in the mid-1980s.

"There is no mystery behind it, it's just what happened," said prosecutor Iris Lan, who explained she understood it took the FBI that amount of time to assemble the evidence.

The judge also questioned Kadish's lawyer about how Kadish was able to earn $104,000 in 2007 when he does not work. His lawyer said it was from investments.

Kadish was born in the United States but grew up on a farm in Palestine before the founding of the modern state of Israel. He served in the British and U.S. armies in World War II.

From 1980 to 1985, Yagur asked Kadish to obtain classified documents, which Kadish retrieved from the U.S. Army's Picatinny Arsenal in Dover, New Jersey, according to a sworn statement by Kadish. Kadish said he kept up a friendship with Yagur after 1985.

"While Kadish knew he was aiding Israel, an ally to the United States, he also knew his crime compromised the national security," the judge said.
Old June 6th, 2009 #2
Nick Apleece
Senior Member
Join Date: Aug 2008
Posts: 643
Nick Apleece
Default More Jew spies arrested

Couple indicted on charges of spying for Cuba
U.S. says pair passed secrets to communist nation over 30 years

updated 6:04 p.m. PT, Fri., June 5, 2009
WASHINGTON - A retired State Department worker and his wife have been arrested on charges of spying for Cuba for three decades, using grocery carts among their array of tools to pass U.S. secrets to the communist government in a security breach one official described as "incredibly serious."

An indictment unsealed Friday said Walter Kendall Myers worked his way into higher and higher U.S. security clearances while secretly partnering with his wife, Gwendolyn Steingraber Myers, as clandestine agents so valued by the Cuban government that they once had a private four-hour meeting with President Fidel Castro.

State Department spokesman Philip Crowley said that the arrest culminated a three-year investigation. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton has ordered a "comprehensive damage assessment" to determine what he may have passed to the Cubans.

David Kris, assistant attorney general for national security, described the couple's alleged spying for the communist government as "incredibly serious."

The Myerses' arrest could affect congressional support for easing tensions with Cuba dating back to the Cold War. Two months ago, the Obama administration took steps to relax a trade embargo imposed on the island nation in 1962.

A senior State Department official described the potential for damage as great and the timing unfortunate, noting that it could affect congressional support for the administration's recent attempts to engage Cuba. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because of the continuing investigation.

Cuba is notorious for not paying its agents, said a former intelligence official speaking anonymously because of the highly sensitive matter. Indeed, court documents indicate the couple received little money for their efforts, but instead professed a deep love for Cuba, Castro and the country's system of government.

Spying methods over time
The court papers describe the couple's spying methods changing with the times, beginning with old-fashioned tools of Cold War spying: Morse-code messages over a short-wave radio and notes taken on water-soluble paper. By the time they retired from the work in 2007, they allegedly were sending encrypted e-mails from Internet cafes.

The criminal complaint says changing technology also persuaded Gwendolyn Myers to abandon what she considered an easy way of passing information, by changing shopping carts in a grocery store. The document quoted her as saying she "wouldn't do it now. Now they have cameras, but they didn't then."

Authorities say her comments came during a series of meetings with an undercover FBI agent posing as a Cuban spy in April. The Myerses fell for the ruse, authorities say, sharing with the agent their views of Obama administration officials who recently had taken over responsibility for Latin American policy and accepting a device to encrypt future e-mail.

The Myerses are charged with conspiracy to act as illegal agents of the Cuban government and to communicate classified information to the Cuban government. Each is also charged with acting as an illegal agent of the Cuban government and with wire fraud.

The couple pleaded not guilty Friday in U.S. District Court. They were ordered held in jail until a detention hearing scheduled for Wednesday. Their attorney, Thomas Green, would not comment. A call to their home telephone was not answered.

Life of luxury?
The Myerses live in a luxury co-op complex in Northwest Washington that over the years was home to Cabinet members, judges, congressmen and senators, including the late Barry Goldwater, a former presidential candidate.

William Simpson, a security guard at the co-op, said the Myerses regularly asked him to clean their windows and would offer him something to eat or drink. "They treated me nice; they treated me real nice," he said. "It shocked me when I heard" the news, Simpson said.

Gail Prensky, a resident of the apartment complex, was taken aback by news that neighbors had been arrested. "It's intriguing on the one hand," she said. "It's a sense of you never know who your neighbors are in a place like this, where it's so safe and pristine. And there's espionage going on?"

No 100% confirmation of their jewishness as of yet, but the story reeks of gefilte fish. If they're not jews, I'll lay a kosher rose on the grave of the Rosenbergs as penance.

*Edit* I've been researching yet can still not confirm their Jewishness. It would be appreciated if anyone could confirm or deny it.
Old July 25th, 2009 #3
Mike Parker
Senior Member
Join Date: Jul 2007
Posts: 3,311
Mike Parker

Name ROTHSCHILD, Lord (Nathaniel Mayer Victor)

Nationality British
Occupation Banker
Born 1910
Died 1990


The startling accusations against Rothschild is that he is the 'Fifth Man', not John Cairncross. According to Roland Perry's book 'The Fifth Man' published in 1994. That he is the dominant member of the Cambridge Spy Ring, not Philby, Blunt, Burgess of Maclean. That he is possibly the most important Soviet Spy of all. Soviet intelligence officer, Yuri Modin added. 'Just as the Three Musketeers were four, so the Cambridge five were six.'

Rothschild was the British head of the famous banking dynasty, which apart from prolific achievements in art, science, wine and charity. It had shaped recent history by such acts as the financing of the British army at the Battle of Waterloo and the purchasing of the Suez Canal for Great Britain and Prime Minister Disraeli. He was on intimate terms with many of the most senior members of the intelligence and security services Guy Liddell, Roger Hollis, Dick White, Stewart Menzies Maurice Oldfield, Robert Vansittart, the Permanent Under-secretary of State in the Foreign Office and many others.

It's largely accepted among MI5 officers that during the 1945 to 1963 period, the Soviets were receiving vital information which enabled them to thwart British operations run against the Soviet Embassy and the Intelligence service. MI5 had apparently been penetrated by someone. The inference was always that it had to be an insider. However, one of the leading Soviet double agents working for SIS (MI6), Oleg Gordievsky, who defected to Britain in 1985, denied that the Soviets had anyone of importance on the inside of M15 in the contentious years from around 1950 to 1963.

Rothschild had been in MI5 during World War Two and had been awarded a medal for outstanding bravery for disfusing a new type of German explosive munitions. The argument is that he was recruited for the Soviet cause in pre-war years by playing on his undoubted commitment to a future homeland for the Jews and his anti-Nazi beliefs. Later the fact that he had spied for the Soviets would have been used to blackmail him into continuing to do so, long after it became obvious that Jews were little better treated in the USSR as Nazi Germany. Fear of publicity was to be perhaps the driving force behind his supposed treachery and his later involvement in the Spycatcher affair.

In 1958, Rothschild's fostering of Peter Wright turned quickly to patronage on the basis that they were scientists who understood each other. Wright could have been an easy prey for the sophisticated peer. Although talented, Wright was not Oxbridge educated and therefore an outsider in a service which was run by the old-school ties. For the first time in his professional life, Wright felt wanted, understood and appreciated. In this atmosphere, Wright may have spilled everything of importance in his section of MI5. Rothschild offered help. He was in the oil group Shell overseeing scientific development. He seconded staff to MI5. Wright told him about every piece of espionage technology under development. Rothschild offered ideas of his own and actually devised some new technology himself. He made introductions to heads of major British organizations like the AWRE (Atomic Weapons Research Establishment), which led to further expansion of MI5's R & D.

Later when Wright was deeply involved in 'mole' hunting there were two Soviet code names, which in particular interested him: DAVID and ROSA. The messages decoded indicated that they had worked together, most likely as a married couple. The Soviet defector Golitsyn asked for the files of all MI5 officers who had been working for British Intelligence at the time of the Venona traffic. He studied the files and after a week asked Wright to come and see him in Brighton. Golitsyn pointed to two files on the desk in the study. 'I've discovered DAVID and ROSA,' he said 'My methodology has uncovered them.' Wright knew the names on the files well. They belonged to Victor and Tess Rothschild., both of whom had served in MI5. Wright told him not to be absurd, Rothschild, he informed the Russian, was one of the best friends this Service ever had. Golitsyn, however, was emphatic

Fortunately for Rothschild, his close companion and confidant, Wright had been the one informed and there was no further investigation.. Golitsyn had earlier informed Wright about a file marked 'Technics' in a safe at the Moscow Centre. It was basically a file on all the MI5 technical operations which Wright and his team had initiated. This proved to him that a mole had indeed been spying directly upon him and his activities. Wright never discussed with Golitsyn what he had told Rothschild. If he had, the Russian would have realized that his 'methodology' might have been accurate. According to an MI5 source, Rothschild was later fed information, which ended up 'in the wrong place' However, just as Philby had survived for so long, because his colleagues and the establishment simply couldn't accept his treachery, so the argument goes, Rothschilds charmed life continued.

Later, when Rothschild feared that journalists might link him to his close friend Anthony Blunt, he put a by now retired Wright and journalist Chapman Pincher in touch. The resulting series of collaborative books, 'Their Trade is Treachery;' and 'Too Secret Too Long' neatly deflected suspicion onto Roger Hollis and away from Rothschild. Wright's own book 'Spycatcher' would later reinforce the image that Hollis was the damaging 'mole'. Rothschild apparently quite alarmed about being implicated begged Wright to "write down every single point he could recall of the ways Rothschild had helped MI5" he added, "Things are starting to get rough" Rothschild also secretly channelled cash to Wright via a Swiss bank.

Rothschild was thought by many to be more loyal to his Jewish heritage than anything English. According to both CIA and Mossad sources, Rothschild was very useful to the Israelis in 'mending fences' with some neighbours in the Middle East after the disruption of the Six-Day conflict. For instance, he called on his old friend the Shah of Iran and suggested several 'crop breeding' ventures, which had been perfected in Israel and elsewhere. Some were adapted in Iran. To many observers Rothschild may have been an unwilling Soviet asset after the war until 1963, but their can be no doubt that he would have willingly spied for Israel. In fact Philby claims that on leaving MI5 in 1947, Rothschild had seized or copied all the six by four file cards listing known or supposed Soviet agents in Europe and elsewhere.

Rothschild must have certainly come under suspicion for it is believed that he was investigated and interviewed no less than eleven times by MI5, and when in 1986 he wrote a very public letter avowing his innocence, Mrs Thatcher's response was the famously terse "we have no evidence he was ever a Soviet agent". As a clearance it was less than fulsome. Though when Rothschild died in 1990, Thatcher attended the memorial. The publication of 'The Fifth Man' was greeted in dignified silence by Rothschilds family.

Rothschilds role in MI5 and within the scientific community is considerable, his role with Shell and later as Head of Prime Minister Edward Heath's 'Think Tank' in the early seventies makes him an important player in post war history. If eventually sufficient information became available to prove beyond doubt Roland Perry's belief in his treachery, then Rothschild will certainly have created history for himself, as the most important Soviet Spy in history.


The original 2000 and 2002 Workbooks for Spy School were based on the information in "Spy Book, The Encyclopedia of Espionage, by Norman Polmar and Thomas B. Allen." and "Espionage, An Encyclopedia of Spies and Secrets by Richard Bennett ".
Old January 9th, 2010 #4
Mike Parker
Senior Member
Join Date: Jul 2007
Posts: 3,311
Mike Parker

Interview with George Blake
British KGB Spy

Interviewer: Tell me a little bit about your own personal family background.

George Blake: I come from rather an international, or in other words, a cosmopolitan background. My father was a Spanish Jew who came from the Middle East or the Near East. He fought in the British Army during the First World War and was very seriously wounded. He received high decorations, the Military Cross and the French. Immediately after the war he was in Holland, where he met my mother. Now my mother came from a Dutch middle-class, Protestant background. My father had a business in Holland which wasn't very successful, and he died in 1934, when I was twelve, from the results of his wounds during the war, and I got a Dutch Protestant upbringing. Dutch is my native tongue. After the death of my father, my mother was left in rather strange circumstances. My father had a sister in Cairo, who was a wife of a very rich banker. They said they would take me and look after my education, give me a good education, and that would relieve my mother as I also had two sisters. At the age of thirteen I went to Cairo, and lived with my uncle and aunt, in a very large house, and there I met my two cousins, who were ten years older than I was. Both of them had very decided left wing views; they didn't want to succeed their father in a banking business. Especially the younger of my two cousins who had a great influence on me. He was, by that time, a Communist and he talked a lot with me. Of course his views had a great influence on me, but I resisted them, because I was a very religious boy. It was my intention to become a minister in the Dutch Reform Church, but later on, in life, things changed. Many of his views acted as a time bomb, and the results under the affect of events shaped my further views.

Interviewer: You worked in the Dutch resistance. How did that influence you?

George Blake: It is very hot in Cairo, and they were very rich. In the summer they went to Europe, and in the summer I went to Holland to be with my mother and sisters. I was just about to return to Egypt when the war broke out in September of 1939. My mother decided that we should stay together in such a dangerous period. So I remained in Holland. I was staying with my grandmother in Rotterdam, on the 10th of May, when the Germans invaded Holland and they advanced around the dam and bombed it. I couldn't leave. After about a week things settled down, the German's occupied the whole of Holland and there was no longer any fighting. I returned home to the Hague, where we lived, and found that my mother and my sisters had been evacuated to England, as they were British subjects as a result of my father having served in the British army.

So I was stranded in Holland. I didn't know they'd gone. They thought I would have been evacuated from Rotterdam, but that was quite impossible. So we were separated. I was then interned for a short time, by the Germans in Holland, but they were absolutely certain that by September they would also invade England and occupy it. France had just surrendered, so they released all the French people and English people who were under military age, and over military age. I was seventeen then, so I was released. By November, when I was eighteen, the War hadn't finished, and they hadn't occupied Britain. I then ran the danger of being again interned, and so I had to go underground. With the help of my Dutch relatives I got false papers and I lived an illegal existence that made it possible for me to join the underground. The first groups had been formed, and I was, of course, against the Germans, against Nazis because of my background. I was a British subject; I was half Jewish, so there was every reason for me, and the country of my mother had been occupied, brutally occupied. I was very anti-German and had every incentive to do everything I could to resist them. I was very young looking, although I was by then eighteen, I looked more, maybe like a boy of fourteen or something. Therefore I was very suitable to act as a courier, and I traveled through Holland with illegal newspapers and also with messages -- intelligence messages on the German Army, which the underground collected to be sent to England. That's how I lived for nearly two years. Then I decided that I wanted to do more active work, and I wanted to join the forces in Great Britain. I decided to try and escape to Britain, and I succeeded in that. It took me six months to travel from Holland, through Belgium, France, and Spain. In Spain I was arrested and put in prison for three months, but then the bleak situation in North Africa changed, and the attitude of Spanish government towards the Allies changed. I was released with others and sent to Gibraltar and from there by convoy to Britain.

Interviewer: And you joined the British forces?

George Blake: In Britain I found, in the first place, my mother and sisters. After several months I wasn't called up. I thought I was going to be called up, so I decided to volunteer. I volunteered for the Royal Naval, you know, the Voluntary Reserve, then I was called up. I was given officers training.

Interviewer: How did you get involved in British intelligence?

George Blake: I was just coming to that. The officers course ended. Someone came down from the Admiralty and said well, now, you know, there's various kinds of arms you serve in, cruisers, submarines, high speed boats and so on. Then at the end of it, he said there is also something which you can join called Special Service. I can't tell you what it is, and we don't hear from those people anymore, but if we do hear from them, they usually have high decorations.

I thought -- well that would be an agent. That's what I wanted to do. I thought I'd be a trained agent, and I would be able to join the underground and do some very useful work. So I put my name down for that. We were sent on a short leave, and to my horror, I got a letter to say that I had to report at submarine headquarters in Portsmouth. It was Special Service. I was not being dropped as an agent, but working in a two-man submarine, training in a two-man submarine. I had no choice. I started training, but fortunately, after a while, it turned out that I wasn't quite suitable for that, because at certain depths people suffer from oxygen poisoning, certain people, because they breath oxygen all the time. I fainted, and I was hauled up from Portsmouth Harbour, and that was the end of my training for two-man submarines.

Interviewer: So tell me, briefly, how you came to join British intelligence?

George Blake: Well, after my training in two-man submarines, I asked for a short-time officer of the watch at submarine headquarters. The commander, who obviously rather liked me, must have communicated with certain people in London. Anyway, I suddenly got a call to report to an office in London, which I thought was the Admiralty. I was interviewed there, and then I was sent back to Portsmouth. A week later I was interviewed again, and then I was called for commission. When I was told to report the following Monday at this particular building in Broadway, I didn't know what it was. I thought it was the Admiralty. On the first morning, the man who was going to be my boss, a Colonel in the Royal Marines, who informed me that I had been accepted for the British Secret Service, saw me. I felt very honoured and very excited, and I thought, well, now I'm going to be sent to Holland as an agent, which is what I so much wanted. It turned out I wasn't, because they only sent Dutch subjects to Holland, not British subjects.

Interviewer: So what did you do?

George Blake: For internal political reasons in Holland, I became what was called a conducting officer. I had to accompany Dutch agents in their training. Very soon they realised that I spoke Dutch very, very well, the language, so I was kept in the office working on the material which we received from Holland by telegram. Which was very often encoded, very often mutilated, and you had to know Dutch very well to make out what was in the telegram. We also worked very closely with the Dutch Secret Service, and I did a certain amount of liaison work with them. Until the end of the war, when I was sent to Holland first when we sort of liquidated the Dutch agent network which had been created with the help of people who were recommended for decorations -- I worked in that. In September of 1945, I returned for a short time to England, to London, and then I was sent to Germany to start spying on the Soviet forces in East Germany.

Interviewer: You were gathering military intelligence there?

George Blake: Any intelligence we could get on the situation in East Germany, on the Soviet forces. I was in the Navy; I had Navy cover, and we tried to use former German naval officers who were in difficult situation after the war and were glad to earn some extra money, and use their men, their contacts in East Germany to establish a network. I did this very well apparently, because I was then selected to be sent to Cambridge to learn Russian. That's what I did, and, in a way, shaped another stage in my development towards Communism, towards my desire to work for the Soviet Union.

The professor there was an English woman, but her mother was Russian, and she came from what was known as Petersburg, English who lived in Petersburg, before the revolution. Her mother was Russian, and she was Orthodox; she had a great love for Russia, not for Communism, but for Russia. She inspired her students with that love for Russia and Russian things. She took us to the services in the Orthodox Church, and I happened to be one of her favourite pupils. Her influence in that respect was of great importance, because it changed my attitude towards Russia, and Russian things. Inspired me with a great attraction towards Russia. Maybe I was a little bit naïve, or a little bit romantic, but still, there it was.

Interviewer: The next major assignment with British intelligence, you were sent to Korea, during the Korean War?

George Blake: As soon as I finished the Russian course, I was sent to Korea with the task of trying to establish an agent network, a network in the so called maritime provinces. It was a very unrealistic task, because there was no direct communication between that area and South Korea. The only thing on the map was Seoul; it was nearest to the area. In Seoul there was the British Consulate, a Nato British Embassy, that was the obvious place from which to try and penetrate the Soviet Union from the east. In fact it wasn't, as I say, because there's absolutely no connection. Still I tried to. It took me time to find all that out and I tried to also to penetrate into North Korea. Of course, I got to know the political situation in the South. The Korean President was really in my view kind of a Fascist and people he had around him were, in my view, Fascist. So, I had a certain sympathy for the North, knowing very little about things -- knowing very little about it.

Interviewer: Sort of like what you saw in the South?

George Blake: Well, I did like what I thought I saw in South Korea, and then the war broke out, quite suddenly. Now, the point is that we had been sent to North Korea, and my men who assisted me and the Minister himself, Captain Hoo, had been sent to see me with the idea that very likely a war would be break out between the North and South, that it was confidently expected that the North would win and occupy the whole country. Therefore, the legation in Seoul would be a very suitable observation post from which to see what was going to develop. Our instructions were to remain in place if the war broke out. So when it did break out, the American's offered to evacuate us, but we didn't because we had the instruction not to go. The French were in the same position. The French consulate also stayed, and a number of British missionaries, including an Anglican Bishop stayed, because they didn't want to leave their flocks. When the North Koreans occupied Seoul, we were interred, because, in the meantime, the Americans had organised the United Nations, and all the western European countries joined them. Apart from the Soviet Union, which had no voice, because they had excluded themselves from the Security Council. They were able to pass this resolution and British, French, Turkish, and all kinds of military contingencies were sent to Korea. We, for being neutral, were sent into villages and interred by the North Korean authorities.

Interviewer: It's often been said that it's while you were a captive of the North Koreans that you were brain-washed into working for the Russians.

George Blake: No, I was never brain-washed at all. Well, you see we were then a small group of diplomats, and at first we were together with the missionaries. There were many missionaries: French missionaries, Irish nuns, and all kinds of people. At a certain point we were, the diplomats, were separated from them. It would have been very difficult for the North Koreans, in the situation they were in, to find people who were sufficiently, what should I say, intelligent? But, to influence people like us, I mean they might have influence with a young American soldier, but people like us, that would be very difficult.

Interviewer: Is there one incident that triggered your decision to effectively change sides?

George Blake: No, nothing acted on me as a catalyst. It was what I saw happening in North Korea. The relentless bombing of small Korean villages by enormous, em, American flying fortresses. People, women and children, and old people, because the young men were in the army. I saw this from my eyes, and we might have been victims ourselves. It made me feel ashamed. Made me feel ashamed of belonging to these overpowering, technical superior countries fighting against what seemed to me quite defenseless people.

Interviewer: Any particular incident that sticks in your mind?

George Blake: Well, the bombing took place continually, and they happened all the time. I had seen the devastation in Germany after the war, but it was nothing, absolutely nothing, I could assure you, compared with the devastation in North Korea. That act, that feeling of shame, together with all the other things, which I have already spoken about, and the other stages of my development made me decide -- made me feel that I was fighting on the wrong side, because I wasn't a neutral person. I was engaged in intelligence work against the Communist world, against the Socialist world. I was engaged I was committed, and I felt I was committed on the wrong side. And that's what made me decide to -- to change sides. I felt that it would be better for humanity if the Communist system prevailed, that it would put an end to war, to wars. I didn't go too much into the rights and wrongs of the beginning of the Korean War. It was very difficult from the position I was in to decide exactly what started it, but now I realise that it was the North who started it. Still it was the experience of that war, which acted as a catalyst, and made me decide to join the other side.

Interviewer: How did you approach them?

George Blake: It was done, in a way, quite easily. I wrote a little note in Russian -- you must remember that we had been in a small group of diplomats, French and British, and I used my Russian. We had been writing constantly to the Soviet Embassy in Pen Yang, asking them, telling them that we had considered our captivity was unjust and against international law, and protesting. The Soviet Embassy sent us books, including Marx's Capital, which we read in Russian many times. That was also an influence on me. So there had been a certain amount of correspondence with the Soviet Embassy in Phenyang, which was conducted by giving a letter to the chief guard, of the men who guarded us.

Interviewer: So you wrote them a note?

George Blake: I wrote them a note. That's right.

Interviewer: How -- how did they respond?

George Blake: They responded about a month later, I don't remember exactly the time. Months later, I was called up to go to this nearby town, which was absolutely in ruins, only two houses standing. In one of those houses I met this Russian man; I talked to him and explained the situation. Then I said, if he wanted to continue to work, he would have to call up the other people as well, because we were three British and four French. If I, alone, was called up; that would cause suspicion, and this would be very strange. So they then organized it very well. Every person in turn was called up; there were discussions about the rights and wrongs of the Korean War. There was then the Stockholm Appeal, which they were asked to sign. They were just kept talking, as it were, to fill the day. Then every time my turn came, I talked to this person, who turned out to be a colonel in the KGB, and with whom I made arrangements for my further work. I think that at first they must have been very suspicious of me. I think they suspected that it was a put up job by the Minister, Captain Hoo, but still they continued with it, or they realised that it wasn't.

Interviewer: Did you take an oath or anything of allegiance, or did they make any promises to you about how they'd look after you?

George Blake: No, I made myself four stipulations. I think, if I remember well. One was that I should not accept any money and shouldn't be offered any money. The other was that I shouldn't receive any privileges, while I was in captivity with the others. One reason -- the question of security, another was I felt a comradeship to my fellow captives. The third was that I shouldn't be released before the others which, again, was elementary security. I think that -- that those were the three conditions. Then they naturally agreed to that.

Interviewer: So they never said anything to you like, you're one of us, we're gonna look after you?

George Blake: No, they didn't say anything like that, and I didn't expect them to say anything.

Interviewer: So you moved back to England, and you had your first meeting with your case officer. Can you describe that meeting?

George Blake: Yes, I can. The point is that I had lived in Holland, I had worked with the underground before, and I felt of course, the first meeting is a rather dangerous experience. Well, you think it is a dangerous experience. I felt somehow that I would feel more at ease in the Hague, in my surroundings to which I was used. I could feel the atmosphere better there than I could in London. After all, I'd been five years away from London. I asked if the first meeting could be arranged in Holland. I was given leave when I arrived in England, three months leave, and I was staying with my relatives in Holland. One day I went to the Hague. The day had been appointed and there we met in a small square in the Hague. He was sitting on a bench, we discussed our further meetings. I first thought that we would continue to meet in Holland, but he pointed out to me that if I continually went to Holland that would also be strange, that it'd be easier for all of us if we met in London. So we met; we made the arrangement for our first meeting. I think it was in October. I knew by then that I had been given a new appointment in Section Y, as a deputy head of that section, which was a special section working on processing of the material obtained by telephone tapping operations in Vienna.

Interviewer: So what was the first meeting with Sergei?

George Blake: I had, I think, one or two meetings with someone else, and then Sergei turned up. He was then, as I was, much younger. But he hasn't changed all that much. We usually met after office hours in one of the London suburbs. We met each other, came from different directions, and we walked for about half an hour through the crowded streets, and we discussed operation material. He gave me new films. I gave him the films which I had taken, so we met regularly, every month or every three weeks.

Interviewer: Can you tell me about the Vienna operation?

George Blake: Now, I must make it clear that for several years these Vienna operations have been going, and the material obtained from those taps, which was being processed in London, was then analyzed and compiled into monthly intelligence reports of about fifty pages, sometimes thirty, sometimes sixty. This report had been regularly sent to Washington as barter material. Know that intelligence services amongst themselves barter material. And of course, through my offices, it had also been sent to Moscow. So Washington and Moscow were aware of the possibility of what these kind of tapping operations could produce. Of course the great advantage of tapping operations is that the material is absolutely genuine. You don't have to question your source. What happened then was the occupation of Europe, of Austria finished. The two sides withdrew their forces from Austria. So there was nobody left to tap. The man who had been responsible for thinking up and organising these Vienna taps was Peter Land, who was a very experienced and very skillful intelligence officer, for whom I have the greatest admiration. He was a man you wouldn't notice him in a crowd. He was very slight and talked with a lisp. But he was extremely effective and he was from Vienna when this operation goes down. He was sent as head of the station to Berlin. Naturally, having so successfully operated telephone taps in Vienna, his first thought was how can we find a place where we can tap either the East German telephone lines the official lines or the Soviet lines? Through his sources in the Berlin telephone office, he discovered these three cables which went along at a distance of about twelve hundred feet from the American sector boundary. So it was clear. He knew that these cables, of which there were twelve hundred communications, were used by the Soviet forces in East Germany, by the Soviet administration and Embassy in East Berlin. So it was a very -- would be a very promising target. But of course, the British couldn't just start digging a tunnel from the American sector. They had to bring the Americans in, which had a very further advantage because the Americans had lots of money. The British didn't have adequate funds, so they made an arrangement with the Americans if they agreed to pay for most of it. Well, as the Americans had been receiving this material from Vienna and realised how useful and important it was. Then a high level delegation came to London, and there was a meeting. I was the secretary, as it were, the one who was taking the minutes of the meeting. As a result I knew about the plan, and how it was going to be done. I realized, of course, how important this was. When I meet Sergei the next time, a routine meeting, I handed him a copy of the minutes from that meeting and a very small sketch, which I drew myself, of how that cable would run -- how a tunnel would run and which cables it would carry.

Interviewer: How did you make the copy of those minutes?

George Blake: As I was the secretary of the meeting and -- and I had to make a certain number of copies anyway. It wasn't very difficult to make an additional copy.

Interviewer: An additional carbon copy?

George Blake: An additional carbon copy.

Interviewer: Do you remember Sergei's reaction when you handed him the document?

George Blake: No, I don't remember, but I think he was very interested. I mean, maybe that it was a short meeting. The usual length of them was about half an hour or maybe a bit longer. I don't think I realised at that particular moment the full implication of the information I handed to him, but he was obviously very interested. Only later, when he got back to the Embassy, he would have read it, and then he realised how important it was.

Interviewer: Were you in any way privy to the decision by the KGB to, as it were, disclose the tunnel and shut it down?

George Blake: No, I wasn't. The tunnel operated for exactly eleven months and, I think, fifteen days. That is quite a long period. I wasn't asked about whether it should be discovered or not discovered, but I was told that it would be discovered within the near future. So I was warned. It didn't come as a surprise for me. Of course, I was apprehensive, naturally. Because the first question when the tunnel is discovered will be how did the Soviets discover it? Why? Now I must say that it was done extremely skillfully. Apart from the political considerations, the tap was discovered after several days of very heavy rainfall. It was discovered by, apparently, ordinary Soviet troops, who were looking for faults in the cable, which was perfectly natural thing for them to do. Because the Americans were watching all the time as they had a watchtower, what was going on in the Soviet sector, in the Soviet zone or in the vicinity of the cables. When the cable was discovered and a whole scandal blew up quite naturally, the Americans and the British set up a commission to study why the cable had been discovered. After about a month, I learned that they'd unanimously come to the conclusion that it was a technical fault in the line caused by the heavy rain. So I felt very relieved, obviously, and from then on, I just continued to work, and I was not under suspicion.

Interviewer: Well after the tunnel operation, were you able to provide a lot more information to the Soviets? Or was it more counter intelligence information you were giving, or more active intelligence?

George Blake: I gave a lot of information first on the Secret Service. What they wanted to know, politically, militarily, economically, about East Germany, about the Soviet Union as a whole. That was very important information for them, so that they could protect these targets. Em, and then of course, I could get information on the Service. They got a good inside view how it operated, and of course, very important from their point of view, was to know the targets which the Soviets proposed to attack. Not only in Germany, all over the world, and particularly in the Soviet Union. Though I must say, that, at that time, it was extremely difficult, both for the British Secret Service and for the American Secret Service to get access to Soviet information in Russia.

Interviewer: Now, after a few years you were arrested. The operation crumbled. What was it that led to the collapse of your operation and another operation in the UK?

George Blake: Mainly what led to the collapse was the defection of a man, I think his name was Konyevski. A Polish official, who was, either head or deputy head of the Polish secret service, with his mistress, fled to Berlin, where he presented himself to the Americans and brought with him a great deal of information. Now among that information was a particular document, which originated from Berlin -- he knew that, and which affected Polish-Soviet relations as far as I remember, and also Polish economic situation, and which was a very highly secret document which had very restricted circulation. With a result that the British Secret Service became aware of the fact that someone in the Berlin station, or had been in the Berlin station, had given secrets away. It was then, their principle aim to discover who, and they set up a small commission which worked for several months, and that was one result of the defection of Konyevski. The other one was that he knew that the Soviets had recruited the clerk of the British Naval Attaché in Warsaw, a petty officer in the Navy, called Holton. Holton had been recruited by the Soviets, and after that word came in Portsmouth he was in Portland, this experimental station, and who provided very important information about technical developments in the Royal Navy.

Interviewer: What kind of developments? Submarine developments?

George Blake: I think it was connected to submarine developments, mainly, yes. I think it was also maybe mines, maybe torpedoes, that sort of thing.

Interviewer: So one defector led to the arrest, not only of yourself, but also of the Krogers?

George Blake: Yes, it led in the first place to the arrest of course of Holton. Holton was followed to a meeting which he had with Lonsdale, who was an illegal resident in London. After that, they followed Lonsdale, and they came to the Krogers who lived in Ruislip, in a cottage there and then they were arrested too. First Lonsdale was arrested, then they were arrested. They discovered radio equipment in the cellar of or in the kitchen -- the cellar under the kitchen of their house. The Krogers were then arrested, and they were sentenced. Lonsdale was sentenced to twenty-five years imprisonment and Kroger and his wife, let's say Morris Cohen and Lona, were sentenced to twenty years.

Interviewer: Tell me about your own sentence.

George Blake: I still was then living in Lebanon, studying Arabic. They were sentenced sometime in January or February. In April, the following April, I was recalled to London. I decided to go, but I wasn't altogether sure of the reasons why I was recalled. However, I was recalled, and at once presented with the accusation that I had been working for the Soviets.

Interviewer: And you stood trial?

George Blake: I stood trial, and I thought I would get fourteen years, which was the highest sentence for passing official secrets in peace time. The British Secret Service and the British government obviously thought that wasn't enough for what I had done, and they simply took various periods of my service in different countries, in London, Germany and Milan, and gave me fourteen years for each of these periods. That added up to forty-two years. Now as I've said, I had been expecting fourteen years. I had been hoping it might be less, but fourteen years is a very long period, if you can visualise it. When the Judge said forty-two years, it didn't really mean anything. I mean it had no affect on me, because it sounded so fantastic. It was so unreal. Nobody would know what might happen in forty-two years. I must say now, that, in a way, I'm grateful to the judge, when he gave me such a long sentence, because it made my position in prison very much easier. I became a rather unusual person, let's say.

Interviewer: Did people feel sorry for you?

George Blake: I think there were a lot of people who felt sorry for me.

Interviewer: And wanted to help you?

George Blake: As a result I found people who were willing to help me. For the reason that they thought that it was inhuman -- that kind of sentence was inhuman and unusual. And they did help me, and I did get out. There were both people inside prison who helped me and people outside the prison, and without their help of course, that couldn't have happened. If I had been given fourteen years, I'm quite sure I would have had to serve the full sentence.

Interviewer: Instead of you escaped.

George Blake: Instead of which I escaped.

Interviewer: Which prison was it by the way?

George Blake: Wormwood Scrubbs.

Interviewer: Whom did you meet in Wormwood Scrubbs?

George Blake: In Wormwood Scrubbs I met, of course, many people; one of them was Morris Cohen. In the first place, I met Lonsdale. I met Cohen only twice, on the occasion that he was in Wormwood Scrubbs to have an operation. He was in fact, detained in another prison, but I don't remember the name just now.

Interviewer: Could we maybe do the two meetings separately, so they don't get muddled up? So first of all, tell me about meeting Lonsdale. What did you say to each other?

George Blake: I met Lonsdale very early on in my sentence, one of the first days that I was in Wormwood Scrubbs, due to a bureaucratic mix up. Usually, of course, spies shouldn't meet each other and shouldn't be able to communicate with each other. Such an instruction was given by the MI5 to the prison administration, which is a different department of the Home Office. The instruction was that we should be put on special watch. Now, in MI5, they probably didn't realise that special watch in prison means that you are put only on what they call the escape list. This is for people who had escaped from prison and had been caught again, or people who are suspected of wanting to escape. And then you get a large patch, several uniforms, and you have to change cells every night, and you are kept together as a small group. As a result of these instructions, instead of keeping us apart, we were put together in this small group of people. When we exercised in the yard, all the prisoners would go around in one big circle, and we were in a small inner circle going in the other direction. A group of about eight people who were on special watch, and so we had every opportunity of talking together for twenty minutes or half an hour, as long as the exercise lasted.

Interviewer: What did you talk about?

George Blake: We talked about life in general we didn't give details about each others work. We felt great sympathy for each other, and we struck up a friendship. He was a very easy person to get on with. He was very cheerful. He was always full of anecdotes and laughing, we often laughed out very loudly and people, the other prisoners came round to circle and they thought, well what have these people to laugh about. One of them has just got twenty-five years and the other forty-two years. Still that's how it was. One of the things he said to me, he was very optimistic person and I didn't believe in him, was 'you know, George that on the fiftieth anniversary of the October revolution, which will be in sixty-seven,' it was then sixty-one, 'you and I will be in Red Square in Moscow, celebrating'. I replied 'well I hope so, but I doubt it very much'. The funny thing is that he turned out to be right. We were both in Moscow in May in 1967, the anniversary of the October revolution, and we did celebrate.

Interviewer: Now you also met Morris Cohen at the jail.

George Blake: I also met Morris Cohen, but I didn't have so much opportunity then of getting to know him, because he was in Wormwood Scrubbs for an operation. You probably know that Wormwood Scrubbs is situated immediately next to Hammersmith Hospital. Any persons in prison in England who are suffering from an ailment which required an operation are often sent to Wormwood Scrubbs prison, Wormwood Scrubbs prison hospital, and then transferred to the Hammersmith Hospital. Morris had trouble with his hands they were going together. I don't know exactly what they cramped and then he couldn't open them, and they had to be operated on. These operations were done in two parts, first on one hand and then some months later on the other, and so I met him on two occasions.

Interviewer: Were you able to talk?

George Blake: We were able to talk, but not very much, just in passing.

Interviewer: What kind of things did you say?

George Blake: Well we just exchanged friendly remarks but there was no detailed conversation like I had with Lonsdale, there simply wasn't the opportunity.

Interviewer: What kind of remarks, because you were both fellow agents.

George Blake: Yes, we just felt sympathy for each other being in the same position, there wasn't that contact then which there had been with Lonsdale. Simply because it wasn't possible.

Interviewer: How did you come to meet Morris Cohen again?

George Blake: When I went to Gloucester, in 1966, I met him by accident. My mother had come by then to live near Moscow for a short while. I was married and she stayed with me, this is sometime 1967, I think. They had just been released, or maybe it was even later. I don't quite remember.

Interviewer: Just tell me how you met.

George Blake: I just met him in the street. Which turned out later to be quite near where he lived, and he'd been shopping. It was summer and he was walking with his shopping bag and I was walking with my mother we saw each other, and recognised each other. It was very nice to see each other. For reasons which I can guess, it wasn't at that time thought desirable that we should continue our contact, and so I didn't see him again, he didn't contact me, I gave him my telephone number. I did see him again for it must have been, nearly ten years. I was asked by somebody in the service if I would make contact with Morris and Lona, so that they could have a friend. They had many friends, but some people had very much in common with them, who'd been in British prison with them. I was asked to because I had adapted myself very easily, although the first years were difficult, to Soviet life. Perhaps they thought in the service that I could be of assistance in helping people who had a harder time. I would say that Morris and Lona didn't find it easy, but they were much older, they were at least ten years older than I and they had no children. So it was thought that it might be a good thing if we met and if we established a friendship, and that's what happened. I first went to see them, and we got on very well together and of course, we had shared memories, about our prison life mainly. And of course a very important thing was, and that shows what kind people they were, that my escape had a very detrimental affect on them. Before they were kept in you know prison, Lona was in an open women's prison, and Morris was in closed prison, but a normal prison. After my escape, on the very night of my escape, they were both transferred to closed prison and Morris was taken to the Isle of White. He was put in a high security wing, with train robbers and all the other very dangerous and serious criminals. The conditions of his detention became very much stricter and more severe, and a very important thing from that point of view was, they were people that had no children, and they were very much in love with each other. That their love was strengthened by the fact that they were both serving a cause in which they very much believed and that cemented their love, perhaps the hardest thing for them was their separation. Under the prison rules, as man and wife they were able to meet once a month. That's quite an operation from the British point of view, because they had to be taken each to a prison which was somewhere in the middle between where they prisons were. They met then in a separate room and were given tea and biscuits and of course for them those meetings were great events. After my escape, they had new conditions, they were only allowed to meet once every three months, because it was such an operation to, to bring them together from a security point of view. That of course hit them rather hard.

Interviewer: The thing is you got to know them

George Blake: They never complained to me and they never resented it. That I had been the reason for the, for the very serious change in their condition.

Interviewer: As you got to know them, you must have learnt a little bit about their passed lives and their careers. Did Morris ever talk about the Spanish civil war and why that?

George Blake: Yes indeed, very often he did, very often. That was one of the high moments of his life.

Interviewer: What influence did the Spanish civil war have on Morris Cohen?

George Blake: I think it had very great influence, because Morris was in this anti-fascist, anti-nazi movement in America, and there of course were many people with Communist views and socialist views, and anarchist views indeed. When the war in Spain broke out, they felt tha he was a young man, to go and fight in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and the International Brigade, what we called the American part of it was called the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, so he volunteered. They went to Spain and he told me an interesting story how they had been passed on from Paris to the Pyenese. Then they marched through the mountains to the point where they crossed the Spanish frontier. There, before their eyes, spread Spain and without any prior agreement, they stood there and they all sang the international and that was a very moving moment in their lives. Then he fought in Spain and he was wounded and in hospitalised. That was the end of his fight in the Spanish War and it was also the end of the Spanish War. Then he returned to America.

Interviewer: Did he ever say when he started to work for the KGB?

George Blake: He never told me exactly the circumstances of his recruitment, but, I think Morris started working actively for the Soviet Union after his return to America from Spain.

Interviewer: Do we know what he was doing?

George Blake: I don't know.

Interviewer: How did he meet Lona?

George Blake: He met Lona in the same circumstances, very much in the same circumstances. He was a member of the Communist party and she was a member of the Communist party and they met at a meeting. Then he asked her to come and have a cup coffee with him. He liked her very much and she liked him, and he thought that she would be a supper wife for him, because he had to consider that he needed a wife who would help him and assist him and who would agree with his views and activities. He soon discovered that she was that kind of person, and so he proposed to her and she accepted and at the same time, she accepted to become his assistant, as it were.

Interviewer: As, as a spy?

George Blake: As a spy. But later on, who was the assistant? And who was the main actor? It was a bit more difficult to decide, because she was a very, very resolute woman, very determined and he was a rather retiring person. Very kind with a very good heart, good-hearted and not in the least aggressive.

Interviewer: So, in a way she became the more dominant of the two?

George Blake: I sometimes suspect that certain periods of their career she was sort of the leading person.

Interviewer: Did she ever talk to you about her work, her espionage work at Los Alamos?

George Blake: No, they never talked about that. No.

Interviewer: Did she ever talk about what she felt they'd achieved by helping their small part in helping the Soviet Union build the bomb?

George Blake: I think they felt proud.

Interviewer: Did they ever say this to you themselves?

George Blake: Yes.

Interviewer: What did they actually say to you?

George Blake: What did they actually say to me? I don't think they said anything specifically, which I could say well this sentence expresses their, their views. I think they felt what many of us felt, and what Donald McClain felt who was more open about his part in the passing of secrets on the atomic bomb. By helping the Soviet Union to achieve the manufacture of the bomb more quickly, because of course, I think they would have manufactured it anyway, but it would have taken much longer. By helping them, they were re-establishing the balance and they were saving the World from an atomic catastrophe. Although they didn't put it so, as I say it, I think that was the thought behind it, and that they helped the World, to save the World from an atomic war, and I fully shared their views in that respect.

Interviewer: Now, did Lona ever talk to you about missing her family and not having children?

George Blake: They missed their family and they had no contact with their family, or very little. Just before she died in hospital of cancer, the Russian intelligence service made it possible for her sister, with whom she'd been very close, to come to Moscow and to see her in hospital. She was here for a week I think and shortly after her sisters visit, Lona died. I never asked them the question directly. It was a delicate question to ask, I'm almost sure that they very much missed not having children, and they both were very, very fond of children. They had many friends and neighbours, both in Britain and in Russia, with whom they had close contact with, because they were people who had the gift of friendship, they always were very interested in these peoples children. I think the great sacrifice they made for the cause in which they believed, was not having children, because they felt that it wouldn't be right to bring up children in the conditions in which they had to live.

Interviewer: How about yourself. I mean, you lived all these years under, what must have been extraordinary pressure. What did it do to your first marriage?

George Blake: Well it didn't do any harm to my marriage as such, I mean to my relations with my wife, but I feel guilt towards my wife and my children. I was already committed to working for the Soviet Union before I met her. I was put before the dilemma, I either had to tell her about it, or to deceive her, or to find some reason why I shouldn't marry her. Well I realised that I couldn't tell her about it, because that would make her, an accessory to the crime. I also realised that I would be putting a very, very heavy burden on her, because she was a person of conservative views, who had a conventional English upbringing and all this would have been completely alien to her, so I realised I couldn't tell her about it. At the same time, I couldn't give her a good reason why I shouldn't marry her, because our relationship was developing in such a way that the natural result of it would be marriage. I tried various ways to put her off, but I couldn't and so I married her, and I think I shouldn't have done that. I should have, in fact, not have married anybody, not only her, but nobody, and I shouldn't have had any children, but, I had them. In a way I have been extraordinarily lucky because I have not lost contact with my children, I have three sons in England and they come a visit me regularly, I have very good contact with them. I didn't see them for nearly twenty years, but when they were grown up, they expressed a wish to get to know me. My wife didn't put any obstacles in the way, as she could have done and they came, and of course it was a very emotional. In a way, it was a very difficult moment, because I had to explain to them my whole story.

Interviewer: You said that you'd felt guilty that you'd married. How did you feel when you discovered your wife was pregnant?

George Blake: The point is that once you're in that situation, which I found myself, I had by then been working for the KGB for several years, one just had to go on with it. I couldn't retire, that wouldn't have been any help to anybody, and one always hopes for the best. And I hoped that I would be able to go on working for a long time, even though that might be improbable. Perhaps I hoped somewhere that I, one day, would be able to explain the situation to her. As time went along, I realised that was not possible.

Interviewer: How could you live this life?

George Blake: You have to have a split mind, one part of your mind has the ordinary life, everyday life which everybody leads, and the other part of your mind is the mind which works as the agent for the Soviet Union, or rather any other country, but you have to have somewhere inside you that separation. Otherwise, you couldn't possibly do it. That is my explanation.

Interviewer: Did you sometimes almost forget you were a KGB agent?

George Blake: Yes, I think I forgot it. I mean in the beginning, when I started work, of course one is apprehensive. I was apprehensive at the first meeting. One is apprehensive when one takes the first photographs, but gradually, like all things, one gets used to it. It just becomes routine and you don't even think about it anymore. Unless there are any signs of danger, you just go on normally.

Interviewer: How frightened did you get at times?

George Blake: Well I can't remember any time that I was that I would call frightened. Nothing happened that gave me reason to be frightened over those years, except the very last moment when I realised that the British knew about it. That was of course a very unpleasant moment.

Interviewer: I bet. Now you've lived long enough to ask yourself I would imagine fairly fundamental questions. The World's changed a lot since then. What did you believe you were doing? How did you justify what you were doing in your mind at the time?

George Blake: I justified it in my mind by believing that I was helping, in a small way, in building a new society. In which there would be equality, social justice, no longer any War, no longer any national conflict, that was my dream as it were.

Interviewer: And do you still believe in that new society?

George Blake: I believe that sometime in the very far future, humanity will live that way. That nations will come together, I see it already happening coming more and more together. When you think of the Wars between France and Britain and the Wars between France and Germany and now they've almost forming one state and nobody thinks of the possibility of a War. I think it's quite conceivable that in time, all nations will live in that kind of World. I believe then that what was going on in the Soviet Union was a positive step in that direction, and that was not to the detriment of Britain, not to the detriment of any country, but on the contrary, would in the end be beneficial to them all.

Interviewer: Do you believe that the political doctrine you serve, you know faithfully, has succeeded or failed?

George Blake: Well, obviously it has failed. It has not been possible to build that society. It set very high standards, because not only would life in the Soviet Union or in any other country which adopted that system, have to be just as good as in the Capitalist world, it would have to be better. So that other peoples, other nations would want to join it, and obviously we have failed in that. There can be no question about it.

The reason I have worked out for myself is that a Communist society is in a way a perfect society, and we are not perfect people. And imperfect people cannot build a perfect society. People have to change a great deal still and it will take many, many, many generations and perhaps thousands and thousands of years before we can build such a society. I also think that it is a very noble experience, which deserves experiment, which deserved to be successful. But which wasn't successful, because of human frailty.

Interviewer: But does that make you wonder whether your giving your life to this cause was worthwhile?

George Blake: Yes, because I think it is never wrong to give your life to a noble ideal, and to a noble experiment, even if it doesn't succeed.

Interviewer: Is that how the Cohen's felt.

George Blake: I'm sure that's how they felt. That's how Donald Maclean felt. That's how Philby felt. That's how we all felt. That's how many, I think, Soviet people feel, it wasn't wrong, the idea was very noble, is still very noble, but at this stage in human history, unattainable.
Old January 18th, 2010 #5
Mike Parker
Senior Member
Join Date: Jul 2007
Posts: 3,311
Mike Parker

[Philby and the Cambridge 5 are often cited to the effect that the British "establishment" self-destructed in the 1930's. They had outside help.]

Spies and lovers

The Cambridge spy ring is thought of as an all-male affair. The two women who linked Kim Philby and Donald Maclean to Moscow, acting as their minders and motivators, as well as their intimates, have been ignored or given little importance. And Melinda Maclean is generally dismissed as a dupe in her husband's double life. But it was not so. Natasha Walter pieces together their story

The Guardian, Saturday 10 May 2003

In 1933, Kim Philby, the future spy, was an idealistic young man who had just finished at Cambridge. He set out for Austria, keen to witness the fight against fascism first hand, and a communist friend gave him an introduction to a leftwing Viennese family who were prepared to let out rooms to sympathisers. When Philby went to the house, it was the daughter of the family, Litzi Friedman, who answered the door.

For the rest of his life, Philby remembered her sparkiness that afternoon. "A frank and direct person, Litzi, came out and asked me how much money I had," Philby said later. "I replied, one hundred pounds, which I hoped would last me about a year in Vienna. She made some calculations and announced, 'That will leave you an excess of £25. You can give that to the International Organisation for Aid for Revolutionaries. We need it desperately.' I liked her determination."

Philby went on liking Litzi's determination, to such an extent that he went on to work with her, to fall in love with her, and then to marry her and take her to London. It was also Litzi who provided him with an introduction that would shape the rest of his life. This obscure Jewish woman from Vienna became the vital link between the idealistic men of Cambridge and the dark world of Soviet espionage.

Litzi Friedman's story has often been lost or distorted in histories of the Cambridge spies, who are usually seen as a purely masculine elite. All the spies were men, two of them were homosexual, and whether you imagine Kim Philby, Anthony Blunt, Donald Maclean and Guy Burgess arguing with one another in smoke-filled rooms in Cambridge, buttering up naive diplomats in the Foreign Office, or sitting with grey-faced Russians on park benches, you are unlikely to imagine any women by their side.

Yet the two most successful spies, Maclean and Philby, were inspired and supported by extraordinary women. Until archives in Moscow were opened after the end of the cold war, we knew very little about them, and many of the biographical sources are bafflingly contradictory. I have pieced together their stories from the sources that had the most access to Soviet archives, but it is still tough trying to work out where certainty lies.

Litzi Friedman stands very far from the usual image we have of the Cambridge spies. A photograph of her in her youth shows a woman who looks as if she is living in the 1960s, rather than the 1930s, with her thick, cropped hair, sleeveless dress and bare legs. The energetic pose she has taken up, turning to look out of the picture, as if listening to someone, is utterly unselfconscious, the pose of an intelligent young woman at ease with herself.

When Friedman and Philby met, she had the emotional and political experience that he signally lacked. She was first married at 18, but was divorced after just 14 months, then joined the Communist party. In Austria at the time, the government was cracking down on all leftwing activity, and in 1932 Friedman was imprisoned for a couple of weeks.

For her, the young Englishman who presented himself at her door in 1933 was, at first, a potentially useful helper and source of funds. But physical desire soon flowered between them. They first made love in the snow on a side street in freezing Vienna, heated by the touch of flesh on flesh. "I know it sounds impossible, but it was actually quite warm once you got used to it," Philby said to a later girlfriend. Male friends have also said that this was Philby's first sexual experience. First physical love, first political involvement; no wonder the affair fired him up as no other relationship in his life was to do.

Philby had already been intellectually convinced by communism, but Friedman radicalised him. He began to work with her - begging people for money, acting as a courier for underground organisations, helping hunted militants to get out of Vienna, and seeing what the fight against fascism meant for people risking their lives because of it. As he himself said later, these experiences crystallised his faith.

In February 1934, the political tensions in Vienna flared into armed conflict. As socialist leaders were arrested and executed, the rank-and-file blundered around in confusion. Philby and Friedman were at home when the revolt began, and the first they knew about it was when the lights went out, a result of a strike by the power workers. Then the telephone rang and a communist leader asked them to go and wait for him in a cafe. They went. Two hours later, he arrived and asked if they were prepared to set up a machine-gun post within the city. They agreed, and were told to wait for further orders. They spent that day at the cafe, waiting. At night they went home through a city full of patrols and roadblocks, which they passed by relying on Philby's British passport. The next day they waited at the cafe again, but the arms never materialised. In the end, they helped the revolt by collecting clothes and food for the strikers, and enabling some of the leaders to get into hiding.

Given her previous brush with the authorities, once a crackdown on known revolutionaries began, Friedman was in real danger. At first, Philby tried to find her new sanctuaries, but eventually he took the only sure way to protect her. On February 24, in the Vienna town hall, he married her, and then took her with him to London. "Even though the basis of our relationship was political to some extent, I truly loved her and she loved me," he said later.

It was at this point that Friedman played her most important role, as far as the history of 20th-century espionage is concerned. She had a friend in London already working for Soviet intelligence, a woman called Edith Tudor-Hart, a photographer and communist who was born in Vienna. According to Genrikh Borovik, a biographer of Philby's who gained access to the Soviet archives, Tudor-Hart recommended Friedman and Philby to the KGB for recruitment in 1934. Yuri Modin, a Soviet agent who handled the Cambridge spies throughout their careers, agrees that Friedman was undoubtedly the catalyst. "Contrary to received opinion, it was neither Burgess nor one of our own agents who lured Philby into the toils of the Soviet espionage apparatus," he has said. "It was Litzi." Since Philby then recommended his other Cambridge friends for recruitment, Friedman's relationship with Philby was a tipping point not only for him, but for the whole group.

Before Philby could begin his new career, which was to work for British intelligence on behalf of his Soviet controllers, he had to get rid of all his obvious communist affiliations. He did so partly by working as a journalist for the Times, writing reports from Spain that were diligently pro-Franco. But he also had to put distance between himself and Friedman. It has only recently become clear that the two remained in touch for some years after this separation, not as lovers, but as fellow spies.

It was Friedman who, during the purges of the late 1930s, when Philby's handlers were constantly being recalled to Moscow, kept contact going for the Soviets with their precious new recruit. She moved to Paris in the late 1930s, and until at least 1940 was paid by the KGB to maintain this contact with her husband. Although Philby started an affair with another woman in Spain, according to the Russian files, by then "she saw their relationship more as an espionage agreement than a love relationship".

We are accustomed to seeing Philby as he presented himself - unswerving in his dedication to his cause. But in August 1939, the faith of many communists in Europe was shaken when the Soviet Union signed its pact of non-aggression with Nazi Germany. Given Philby's experiences in Austria, where he had seen the terror of facism first hand, it is hardly surprising that he found this move hard to take. One entry in his files reads, "According to Mary [Litzi's codename], to whom he complained in conversations, he was beginning to experience a certain disillusionment with us. He has never said this to us directly... The signing of the Soviet-German non-aggression pact caused Söhnchen [Philby's codename] to ask puzzled questions such as 'Why was this necessary?' However, after several talks on this subject, Söhnchen seemed to grasp the significance of this pact." So it was Friedman who enabled Philby to remain on board during those dark days at the beginning of the war, when the Soviet Union lost many of its friends in the west.

By odd coincidence, Donald Maclean's faith in the Soviet Union was supported at exactly the same time and in the same place by a secret female companion. In August 1939, he was working at the British embassy in Paris. The KGB officer who was looking after him at the time was a woman called Kitty Harris, with whom he was also having a passionate affair. Just as with Friedman and Philby, Kitty Harris was way more experienced in both her political and personal life than Donald Maclean. For a start, she was 13 years older, and when they met she had already been working for the Soviet Union for 16 years.

Harris was born in the East End of London, in a working-class Jewish family, but grew up in Canada and then Chicago, where the harsh lives of the workers made her receptive to the arguments of communists - including the man who was to become her husband, a charismatic party organiser called Earl Browder. She spent a couple of years with him in Shanghai, trying to organise the underground Communist party, before leaving him and moving to Europe, where she began to work for Soviet intelligence.

Harris seems to have been a headstrong woman who passionately believed in her cause, but who also found it hard to keep up the life prescribed by the KGB, with its fixed protocols and minimal freedom. No wonder that, when the chance came for an intimate relationship within these constraints, she seized on it. And she obviously felt deeply for Maclean. At the time - before drink and misery ruined his looks - he was a striking man, blond, 6ft tall, absolutely the upper-class diplomat.

In 1937, when one spy ring had been broken by British intelligence, Maclean had been put "on ice" by his Russian contact, and had been turning up to meeting after meeting without finding anyone there. And then, one day, he turned up as usual to find not his usual handler but Kitty Harris, who swiftly gave him the recognition phrase. "You hadn't expected to see a lady, had you?" she said. "No, but it's a pleasant surprise," he replied quickly.

When she was given the task of becoming Maclean's go-between, Harris was told he was the most important spy they had. Cherish him as the apple of your eye, she was told by Moscow. She did. Maclean would visit Harris in her flat in Bayswater twice a week, late in the evening, bringing papers for her to photograph that he had sneaked out of the Foreign Office for the night. From the start, he'd bring flowers and chocolates with those papers, and after a few months they agreed to have a special dinner to celebrate their birthdays, which fell within a few days of each other. One evening in May 1938, Maclean turned up at her flat carrying a huge bunch of roses, a bottle of wine and a box holding a locket on a thin gold chain. Harris wore it for the rest of her life; when she died in 1966, it was still among her paltry possessions. He had ordered dinner from a local restaurant, and they sat eating it and listening to Glenn Miller on the radio. That was the first night they made love, and true to her training she reported the event to her controller, Grigoriy Grafpen, next day.

Harris went on being entirely open in her reports, even telling her controllers that she and Maclean began and ended every meeting with sex. Sometimes this had adverse effects on their work. Telegrams from Moscow complained: "The material in the last two pouches turned out to contain only half of each image. What was the problem? Moreover in the last batch, many of the pages were almost out of focus..." It is rather wonderful to imagine the apparatchiks scratching their heads over photographs that had become blurred in the heat of Harris's passion.

After Maclean was posted to the British embassy in Paris in 1938, he was so crazy about Harris that he asked Moscow if she could come, too; to their surprise, the lovers' request was granted. They went on working together until June 1940, when the Germans broke through the Maginot line and invaded France. In her final report on Maclean, Harris summed up his character for Moscow. "He is politically weak," she wrote, "but there is something fundamentally good and strong in him that I value. He understands and hates the rotten capitalist system and has enormous confidence in the Soviet Union and the working class. Bearing in mind his origins and his past... he is a good and brave comrade."

The Cambridge spies are so often presented to us as loners fuelled only by cold ideology, but the sexual passion and political solidarity that flared between this working-class Jewish woman and the young British diplomat clearly sustained them both.

Kitty Harris wrote such a positive final report on Maclean, even though she knew that, by this time, his sexual interest in her was waning: a friend of Maclean's, Mark Culme-Seymour, had introduced him to a young American woman, Melinda Marling, in a cafe on the Left Bank in January 1940, and he had fallen for her immediately. Until recently, it was assumed that their marriage was founded on Maclean's talent for duplicity, and that Melinda knew nothing about her husband's links to Russia until his defection 11 years later.

But there is another layer to the story of Melinda Maclean. The friend who introduced the couple in the Cafe de Flore in 1940 was not particularly impressed by her then. "She was quite pretty and vivacious, but rather reserved," said Culme-Seymour. "I thought she was a bit prim." That is how many observers saw her - attractive, but also prim and spoiled. She was delicately good-looking, and carefully groomed - her lipstick glossy, her hair always waved, a double row of pearls usually clasped around her neck. She seemed to most people to have little interest in the world beyond family, friends, clothes and Hollywood movies. The success of the blandly conventional veneer she wore in public meant that, when Donald defected, she was easily able to pretend to everyone, even to MI5 and to her mother, that she had no idea that she had been married to a spy for more than a decade.

But in the 1950s, Culme-Seymour tracked down the exiled Macleans in Moscow, and another Melinda emerged. She told him that she knew she would be going to Russia right from the beginning, even before Maclean defected. By this time, he looked terrible and was obviously drinking heavily, but she seemed just fine. And when he said something that implied faint criticism of the Soviet Union, she "jumped down his throat".

Recent revelations from the Soviet archives confirm the existence of this other Melinda, a woman who was the greatest dissembler of them all. From the start, she and Donald had a relationship founded not on duplicity, but on trust. As Donald told Kitty Harris, on the very first evening he met Melinda, he saw another side to the prim American from the one his friends saw. "I was very taken by her views," he told Harris. "She's a liberal, she's in favour of the Popular Front and doesn't mind mixing with communists even though her parents are well-off. There was a White Russian girl, one of her friends, who attacked the Soviet Union and Melinda went for her. We found we spoke the same language."

Soon after they started dating, Melinda broke off the whole thing, apparently bored by the correct English diplomat. It was in order to get her back that Maclean told her the full truth: that he was not only a diplomat, but also a communist and a spy. It was an outrageous risk, one quite out of character for him at that time, but he reassured Harris that Melinda not only reacted positively, but "actually promised to help me to the extent that she can - and she is well connected in the American community".

There is no evidence that Melinda worked alongside Maclean, but it has been revealed that she supported him in his dangerous double life throughout their marriage. It was never an easy relationship: Maclean drank heavily, he expressed homosexual desires, they were often on the verge of splitting up and on one occasion he physically attacked her in public. But they stuck together, even beyond his defection.

They married in June 1940, days before the Germans marched into Paris, and spent the rest of the war being bombed out of one flat after another in London. Then they moved to Washington where, from the Soviet point of view, Maclean did his most valuable spying work in the position of first secretary at the British embassy. In 1948, he was appointed head of the chancery at the British embassy in Cairo. As soon as he arrived, however, Maclean had problems with his KGB contact, who arranged their meetings in the Arab quarter. Yuri Modin, a Soviet agent who has published his reminiscences of the Cambridge spies, says that the tall, blond Briton in immaculate suit and tie felt as inconspicuous "as a swan among geese". Maclean suggested that, instead of these absurdly dangerous games, Melinda should simply pass the information to the wife of the Soviet resident at the hairdresser. "Melinda was quite prepared to do this," Modin reports.

By now, the game of duplicity was telling on Maclean. He began drinking, brawling and even telling acquaintances about his life as a spy - confessions that they discounted as the talk of a dreamer. Cyril Connolly described him vividly as he struck him in London in 1951. "He had lost his serenity, his hands would tremble, his face was usually a livid yellow ... he was miserable and in a very bad way. In conversation, a kind of shutter would fall as if he had returned to some basic and incommunicable anxiety."

At this point, Philby, who was then based in Washington, discovered that MI5 had broken Maclean's cover and was planning to interrogate him. Philby passed this information to the Soviets, and they were desperate for Maclean to get out, fearful that, in his current state, he would crack immediately under interrogation. Maclean shilly shallied, afraid of staying, afraid of going, until he sounded out Melinda about the defection. According to Modin, she responded: "They're quite right - go as soon as you can, don't waste a single moment."

The day eventually earmarked for Maclean to make his escape happened to be his 38th birthday: May 25 1951. He came home by train from the Foreign Office to their house in Kent as usual that evening, and soon after Guy Burgess, who had just been persuaded to get out, too, turned up. After eating the birthday supper that Melinda had prepared, Maclean said goodbye to his wife and children, got into Burgess's car and left. They drove to Southampton, took a ferry to France, then disappeared from view, sparking a media and intelligence furore. It was all of five years before Krushchev finally admitted that they were in the Soviet Union.

The following Monday, Melinda Maclean telephoned the Foreign Office to ask coolly if her husband was around. Her pose of total ignorance convinced them; MI5 put off interviewing her for nearly a week, and the Maclean house was never searched. No doubt their readiness to see her merely as the ignorant wife was enhanced by the fact that she was heavily pregnant at the time - three weeks after Donald left, she gave birth to a daughter, their third child.

The evening of his defection, Donald had taken a cliché straight from an Eric Ambler novel, tearing a postcard in two, giving Melinda half, and telling her not to trust anyone who did not produce the other half as a sign. He later passed his half to Modin. More than a year later, Modin intercepted Melinda on her way home from school, just after she had dropped off the boys. He followed her Rover, then passed her and pulled up, signalling her to do likewise. "This she did, but not quite in the way we had expected. She burst out of the car like a deer breaking cover, yelling abuse at us for our bad driving." When Modin had recovered, he drew the half postcard from his pocket. Melinda immediately fell silent, reached across for her bag in the car, and produced the other half.

It was another year before Melinda finally slipped the net of British intelligence and press interest. Her secret life during that last year in the west must have become a terrible burden. She knew the dangers if she had been implicated in her husband's treachery; two months before she left, an American couple, the Rosenbergs, were sent to the electric chair for spying for the Soviet Union. But, unlike her husband, Melinda always hid her feelings under a bland veneer that people often read as stupidity. "I will not admit that my husband, the father of my children, is a traitor to his country," she told everyone in outraged tones. She seemed to be settling into a directionless but comfortable life, wandering with her mother and children as the seasons changed from beach villa in Majorca to skiing holiday in the Alps. But in Geneva on the evening of September 10 1953, she told her mother that she was going to stay with friends for the weekend, got into her black Chevrolet car with her three children, drove to Lausanne and disappeared.

She prepared for her great flight in the way you might expect of a bourgeois American, rather than a closet Red. The day before, she spent hours at a salon having her hair and nails done. That morning she had gone shopping, then returned to tell her mother that she had bumped into an old friend who had invited her to spend the weekend with the children at his villa at Territet. After lunch, at which she seemed no more than preoccupied, she got the children and herself ready, throwing an electric blue Schiaparelli coat over a black skirt and white blouse.

When Melinda did not return on Monday morning, her mother telephoned the British embassy. Intelligence agents tracked reports of a woman with a bright coat and three pretty children on the train to Austria, where the trail went cold. Weeks later, Melinda's mother received a letter, postmarked Cairo. In it, Melinda said, "Please believe, darling, in my heart I could not have done otherwise than I have done." Later, it transpired that Melinda had been met by KGB officials in Austria and flown to Moscow.

In the late 1960s, Eleanor Philby, Kim's third wife, brought a rare glimpse of the Macleans back to the west. Melinda hadn't quite accepted the Soviet way of life: she and her children cut incongruously elegant figures in Moscow, dressed out of the parcels of American clothes sent by her mother and sister. But when the Philbys and Macleans sat in their Moscow apartments of an evening, getting toweringly drunk on Soviet champagne, Melinda joined in the dreaming. "In moments of nostalgia," Eleanor said, "Donald and Melinda would talk of the good times they would have in Italy and Paris 'when the revolution comes'. I found this world of fantasy slightly unnerving."

Melinda's marriage did not long survive the constraints of life in Moscow, and when it broke down she began a brief affair with Philby, who had arrived there in 1963. Given their practised secrecy, it's not surprising that their relationship remains rather obscure. After that relationship, too, broke down, it seems that the day-to-day reality of life in the Soviet Union told on Melinda. Finally, in 1979, she returned to the west, to be with her mother and sisters, and her children soon followed her. She is still alive in New York, but she has never said a single word to the press.

One thing is for sure: all three of these women who were close to the Cambridge spies were just as good as the men at keeping secrets. Litzi Friedman never spoke of how Kim Philby had been recruited through her; the archives spoke for her. She settled in East Germany, marrying again and making a decent career for herself in the film industry. Phillip Knightley, the last journalist to speak to her, said that she seemed entirely satisfied with her life.

Kitty Harris had a very different end. She had spent the rest of the war continuing her career as a successful intelligence agent in Mexico, and in 1946 was brought to the Soviet Union, where she stayed until her death in 1966. But once she reached Russia, she found that the society for which she had worked so tirelessly and at such risk to her own safety fell far short of her dreams. "The only thing I know is that I am terribly lonely," she wrote in her diary during her last years. "My life is in pieces."

Melinda Maclean, still preserving her glacial silence, is the most mysterious of them all. Some experts believe her final return to the US was allowed by western intelligence only on the grounds that she did not reveal anything about her husband's (amazingly successful) career as a spy. She may indeed be living under such a constraint. Or she may have chosen to remain silent for her own reasons; perhaps she cannot bear to revisit Donald's descent into disillusion, and her own corroded ideals. Her secrets remain, finally, her own

· Acknowledgment is particularly due to The Philby Files: The Secret Life Of The Master Spy, by Genrikh Borovik and Phillip Knightley; A Divided Life, by Robert Cecil; Kitty Harris: The Spy With Seventeen Names, by Igor Damaskin with Geoffrey Elliott; The Missing Macleans, by Geoffrey Hoare; Philby: The Spy Who Betrayed A Generation, by David Leitch, Bruce Page and Phillip Knightley; Kim Philby: The Life And Views Of The KGB Masterspy, by Phillip Knightley; My Five Cambridge Friends, by Yuri Modin; Kim Philby: The Spy I Loved, by Eleanor Philby.
Old January 22nd, 2010 #6
Mike Parker
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U.S. Jew indicted as possible Israel spy

By Yossi Melman

New documents presented in federal court in Washington, D.C. reveal deep ties (more than was known) between Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) and Dr. Stewart David Nozette, an American astronomer accused of spying for Israel.

The media here covered his arrest on October 19, 2009 and then interest waned, though the American media are still monitoring the case.

Two attorneys in the counterespionage unit of the U.S. Department's of Justice National Security division, Deborah Curtis and Heather Schmidt, presented documents found on the scientist's computer. One document, titled "Proposed Operations for 2005-2006," referred to the need to carry out "a penetration of NASA," the U.S. space agency.

Another document, according to the prosecution, shows Nozette attempted to obtain highly confidential material by using his high-level security clearance and infiltrating other people's computers.

Other documents mention the names of Yossi Weiss and Yossi Fishman. Weiss is a former project manager and today the deputy CEO of IAI and head of the company's missile and space division. Fishman was the IAI's representative in the U.S. and is today the CEO of ODF Optronics.

Fishman told Haaretz he knew Nozette the way he knew other Americans employed by the IAI at the time as consultants. "We did not engage in any kind of spying activity or information gathering, perish the thought. The relationship was business as usual."

The IAI is not mentioned specifically by name in the documents. It is referred to as a foreign company or as a space company owned by the Israeli government." Background talks with administration officials indicate the references are indeed to IAI.

Unreported visits

The indictment and the documents indicate that Nozette was employed for nine years as an IAI consultant. Versions vary as to how much he was paid, from $170,000 to $225,000. His direct superior was Israel Aircraft Industries International, a U.S.-registered company.

The FBI searched Nozette's home and computer and found additional proof of his connection to Israel. He visited here several times, but did not report this - as is required by his high security clearance. The FBI confiscated letters he wrote to Israelis, reports he forwarded to the IAI, a map of Israel, photos of assorted places in Israel, a Hebrew-language catalog of archaeological artifacts and other items.

Nozette, 52, of Chevy Chase, Maryland, was arrested after FBI surveillance that included wiretapping and undercover photography. The operation followed the former astronomer's interrogation on suspicion of tax evasion and defrauding the U.S. government. Nozette worked out plea bargain with the Justice Department; he admitted to fraud and accepted a sentence of up to three years in jail, plus a fine of $265,000. His jail term would have started in November, but he was arrested on the new and more serious charge of espionage.

Nozette, who was born in Chicago, has Jewish parents but there is no evidence he ever went to synagogue or Jewish community centers. His neighbors said he was "a Zionist" but without evidence attesting to this. From a young age, his interest was science. He studied at the University of Arizona and earned a doctorate from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Immediately, in 1983, he went to work for U.S. agencies, including NASA, the Pentagon and the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory near San Francisco, which focuses on nuclear weapons. By virtue of these positions, he enjoyed a very high security clearance. One of the important studies he participated in found water at the Moon's southern pole. Nozette subsequently left government work and set up a private company as a consultant to firms in India and the IAI. The latter continues to refuse, vehemently, to address this embarrassing episode, which apparently has not done damage to the company.

Nozette was not the only person employed by the company as a consultant. Over the years, the IAI as well as other Israeli defense-related industries operating in the U.S., such as Elbit and Rafael, hired as consultants dozens of Americans, mainly retired former army officers and senior officials.

Today as well, the IAI and its subsidiaries in the U.S. continue to do business there and to cultivate ties. It is rather clear to them, and this is indeed fairly routine business practice, that to obtain contracts and win grants from the U.S. administration, doors must be opened. For that, people with connections are needed to open those doors. This was one of Nozette's assignments. Against this backdrop he apparently tried (among other things) to help the "penetration" of NASA. IAI, which produces space missile launchers, satellites and other space technologies, hoped to win contracts and development grants and enter joint ventures.

While he was being investigated for fraud, Nozette told a friend he would be willing to work for the Mossad. This information, along with the fact that he was a consultant to the IAI, led the FBI to suspect Nozette of being a Mossad agent, or at least psychologically ready to be one. So a sting operation was set up. An FBI agent pretending to be a Mossad agent met with Nozette and asked him for information. Nozette reportedly agreed, supplied information and received $11,000. These contacts were documented.

The indictment does not mention Israel nor has the administration made any complaints. Nevertheless Israel since its establishment systematically conducted spying missions on U.S. soil - for around a quarter of a century. Primarily, it was nuclear and technological-military spying.

The Jonathan Pollard case brought an end to all spying activities; there is a clear directive from prime ministers, defense ministers, Military Intelligence chiefs and the Mossad on this matter. But the U.S. media and the administration officials have a hard time believing Israel on this subject, and the Nozette case does not contribute to clearing the atmosphere of suspicion regarding future intentions.
Old June 27th, 2010 #7
Mike Parker
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Ivor Montagu

The Hon. Ivor Goldsmid Samuel Montagu (23 April 1904, London, England – 5 November 1984, London) was a British filmmaker, screenwriter, producer, film critic, writer, table tennis player and apparent Soviet spy. He has received some credit for the development of a vibrant intellectual film culture in Britain during the interwar years.

Life and career

Montagu was the third son of the 2nd Baron Swaythling. He attended Westminster School and King's College, Cambridge, where he contributed to Granta. He became involved in zoological research. His directorial career began in the late 1920s with a short film about table tennis.[1]

With Sidney Bernstein he established the London Film Society in 1925, the first film club devoted to showing art films and independent films. Montagu became the first film critic of The Observer and the New Statesman. He did the post-production work on Alfred Hitchcock's The Lodger in 1926 and was hired to Gaumont-British in the 1930s, working as a producer on a number of the Hitchcock thrillers.

Montagu joined the Fabian Society in his youth, then the British Socialist Party and then the Communist Party of Great Britain. This brought him into contact with Russian film makers. In 1930 he accompanied his friend Sergei Eisenstein to New York and Hollywood; later in the decade Montagu made a number of compilation films, including Defence of Madrid (1936) and Peace and Plenty (1939)[clarification needed][2] about the Spanish Civil War. He directed also the documentary Wings Over Everest (1934) with Geoffrey Barkas. As a political figure and for a time a communist, much of his work at the time was on low budget, independent political films. By World War II, however, he made a film for the Ministry of Information. After the war Montagu worked as a film critic and reviewer.

In 1933, Montagu was a founder member of the Association of Cinematograph and Television Technicians, holding various positions in the union until the 1960s. He also held post on the World Council of Peace. He was awarded the Lenin Peace Prize in 1959.

Montagu was identified as a World War II era spy for the Soviet GRU, code name “Intelligentsia”, after the decryption of Venona telegraphs from March 1940 through April 1942 in the 1960's. A July 25, 1940 cable from Simon Davidovitch Kremer, Secretary to the Soviet Military Attaché in London specifically identified him as the head of the X Group spy ring “Ivor Montagu (brother of Lord Montagu) sic, the well known local communist, journalist and lecturer.”.[3]

His brother Ewen Montagu was a Naval Intelligence Officer RNVR in MI6, during the Second World War, one of the masterminds of the highly successful deception Operation Mincemeat , and author of The Man Who Never Was.

Table tennis

Montagu was a champion table tennis player, representing Britain in matches all over the world. He also helped to establish and finance the first world championships in London in 1926.

In 1926 Montagu initiated the creation of the International Table Tennis Federation, and served as its first president for 41 years until 1967. The ITTF began with four member countries, and grew to 160 national associations during his leadership. The constitution and laws of the sport of table tennis were adopted and the World Table Tennis Championships established during a meeting at the family home of Lord and Lady Swaythling, Montagu’s parents.

At age 18, he was a founder of the English Table Tennis Association (ETTA), and served as its chairman from 1923-29, from 1932-33, and again from 1936-58. He was also the ETTA’s president from 1927-31 and 1958-66.


He also wrote two books, Table Tennis Today (1924) and Table Tennis (1936) which were both part of the impetus he gave to the sport. He wrote many pamphlets, and his other books include: Film World (1964), With Eisenstein in Hollywood (1968), The Youngest Son (1970)

Hall of Fame

Montagu was inducted into the International Table Tennis Foundation Hall of Fame in 1995.[4]

Ivor_Montagu Ivor_Montagu

Louis Montagu, 2nd Baron Swaythling

Louis Samuel Montagu, 2nd Baron Swaythling (1869–1927) was, in 1917, one of the co-founders of the anti-Zionist League of British Jews, along with Lionel de Rothschild and Sir Philip Magnus. He was educated at Clifton College.

His sons included the judge Ewen Montagu and the film maker Ivor Montagu.
Old July 1st, 2010 #8
Karl LaForce
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Default Alex Linder interview on RFM is back up
"The family that puts the needs of the family above the whims of its children will prevail over the family that does not."
Old April 19th, 2011 #9
Mike Parker
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Serbia in WW2


by Colin Brown and John Crossland, The Independent, 28 June 1997

Secret reports on one of the most controversial British undercover operations of the Second World War are to be released Monday, showing that a Soviet spy may have been responsible for the British switching support to Tito's forces in the former Yugoslavia. The documents, including transcripts of secret wartime signals to London, are being released by the Public Records Office. They will show evidence of the role played by James Klugmann- the Soviet mole who converted the British spy, Donald Maclean, to Communism - in switching British allegiance from a Yugoslav royalist resistance leader called Mihailovich to Tito, at a critical point in the Second World War.

By switching support to Tito's forces, the Special Operations Executive (SOE) helped to force the German retreat, but it cost Mihailovich his life - he was executed after the war as a collaborator - and ensured that the former Yugoslavia remained a Communist state under Tito's control.

SOE spies who fought in the Balkans included the former Tory PM Julian Amery. Other famous names who flit in and out of the tales of SOE derringdo and duplicity in the region include Paddy Leigh Fermor and Major Anthony Quayle, the screen actor.

Rupert Allason, author of spy books under the pen name Nigel West, and former Tory MP said the real issue raised by the papers was the reason for the British government's backing of Tito. Nothing had been known about Tito - Fitzroy Maclean, a British agent, thought he was a woman - and the government became convinced that Mihailovich was a collaborator with the Germans - something the "Ultra" code intercepts showed to be untrue.

The signals sent by Klugmann, who was an intimate of the traitors Blunt, Philby, and Burgess at Cambridge, will for the first time confirm the claim of an agent, quoted by Andrew Boyle in The Climate of Treason, that Klugmann was principally responsible for the massive wartime sabotage of the Mihailovich supply operation and for keeping from London information about the impressive activities of the Mihailovich forces in the fight against the Germans.

They will be of particular interest to a decoder at Bletchley Park, nerve center of the government's radio intelligence war, who, while preserving the anonymity of her wartime role, gave additional weight to the theory of Klugmann's secret agenda. "I was in section 3L at GCHQ Bletchley Park with the job of preparing a weekly summary of the Yugoslav situation for Churchill. At the time I wasn't particularly suspicious that our information didn't seem to be acted upon, but have become so since. I now wonder if many of our reports were sent to the section where people like Philby were working," she said.

"Certainly Klugmann seems to have played a more important role than was thought. Two former Communist wartime agents assured me that he did, but they didn't elaborate," she added.

The files 969 in all, cover the operation of the SOE in Greece, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Romania; which with the exception of France, was the most controversial theater of the sabotage operation launched by Churchill "to set [occupied] Europe ablaze".

Unfortunately the blaze all too frequently singed SOE operatives themselves as they were caught up in internal politics - particularly in Greece and Yugoslavia. While fighting the German and Italian invaders, the Yugoslavs were simultaneously locked in combat with each other. A special Operations Executive (Balkans) operated from Cairo, and was ordered to carry out the policies of Churchill's government, which initially supported Mihailovich's royalist Chetnik forces.

The signals sent to SOE HQ in Baker Street, London, and to Churchill's Cabinet, were based in part on intelligence gleaned from German Ultra code traffic filtered through Bletchley Park and passed to the only person in SOE authorized to receive it, Colonel S.M. (Bolo) Keble.

A further opportunity for scanting the information from Yugoslavia was provided by the influence exerted by John Cairncross, subsequently also unmasked as a Russian agent and named as the Fifth Man, recruited from the same Cambridge background, who in 1943 was working with the Yugoslav section of GCHQ at Bletchley Park.

The concerted efforts of the Cairo office eventually bore fruit when the British government dropped its support for Mihailovich. The Kew files are redolent of the suspicion and duplicity which blighted relations between SOE Cairo and its Foreign Office masters and which threatened to tear the intelligence community in the Balkans apart.

There is evidence of a power struggle which developed over the role of Brigadier Sir Fitzroy Maclean, who was parachuted in as Churchill's personal representative and came to exercise a powerful influence with Tito.

Two months later, Bill Deakin, later Colonel Sir William Deakin, Senior Intelligence Officer in Yugoslavia, rated Klugmann "indispensible . . . and giving invaluable service." The file reveals that it was known that Klugmann has used his position to advance Tito's cause.

NORMAN JOHN KLUGMAN, from The National Arcives, May 2002, the ninth and largest Security Service (MI5) release, consisting of 212 files, bringing the total number of MI5 records in the public domain to 1332. As with previous releases the bulk of records are personal files relating to individuals (KV 2) with a small number of policy (KV 4) and subject files (KV 3)

Norman Klugman joined the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in 1933 whilst studying at Cambridge University, where he received a double first. In 1940 he joined the RASC (Royal Army Service Corps) as a Private, but was deemed to be suited for better things and was transferred to SOE, apparently without any proper security precautions. Throughout his time in SOE and later whilst as a civilian in UNRRA (United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration) he worked toward Soviet ends. Klugman remain a devout Communist and went on to play a significant role in the CPGB becoming responsible for the Education branch.

His father was a tobacco pipe merchant, with a strong Jewish accent and the family lived in a Victorian house on Haverstock Hill, Hampstead, London.
James_Klugmann James_Klugmann
Old April 28th, 2011 #10
Mike Parker
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Mike Parker

Morris Cohen, 84, Soviet Spy Who Passed Atom Plans in 40's

Published: July 05, 1995

Morris Cohen, an American who spied for the Soviet Union and was instrumental in relaying atomic bomb secrets to the Kremlin in the 1940's, has died, Russian newspapers reported today.

Mr. Cohen, best known in the West as Peter Kroger, died of heart failure in a Moscow hospital on June 23 at age 84, according to news reports.

"Thanks to Cohen, designers of the Soviet atomic bomb got piles of technical documentation straight from the secret laboratory in Los Alamos," the newspaper Komsomolskaya Pravda said. It noted that he had died without revealing the name of the American scientist who helped pass vital information about the United States atomic bomb project.

Mr. Cohen, the son of Russian immigrants, was born and raised in New York. He joined the American Communist Party in 1935 and later went to Spain to fight for the left-wing Abraham Lincoln Brigade in the Spanish Civil War. While recovering from wounds, he was recruited by Soviet intelligence to spy for Moscow in America.

In July 1945, during the first test of the atomic bomb in Los Alamos, Mr. Cohen and his wife, Lona, recruited a Los Alamos scientist to obtain detailed blueprints of the weapon. The information was passed to Moscow 12 days before the American test.

Stalin ordered a crash program and exploded a similar atomic device four years later.

According to news reports in the 1990's, the information Mr. Cohen got from his still-unidentified source, code-named Percy by the F.B.I., was probably more important than data passed on by Klaus Fuchs, a scientist who was arrested in Britain in 1950.

Mr. Cohen and his wife, tipped about their imminent arrest, fled to Moscow through Mexico. Four years later, they moved to New Zealand and changed their names to Peter and Helen Kroger.

Using the new names, they moved to London in 1954 and started a new intelligence network posing as rare book dealers. The network existed for seven years before it was exposed by British intelligence.

They were arrested in 1961 and sentenced to 20 years in prison. They were exchanged in 1969 for a British teacher, Gerald Brooke, who was arrested in Moscow by the K.G.B. for distributing anti-Communist propaganda.

Mr. Cohen's wife died in 1992. He was buried on June 27 in a ceremony closed to the public so friends in the Russian intelligence community could attend.

Name KROGER, Peter
Aliases Cohen, Morrris
Born 1910
Died 1995

Activity Born Morris Cohen in the Bronx in 1910 of Russian-Jewish parents he married Leona or Lona Petka of Adams, Massachusetts. Both became Communists at that time. Kroger fought for the Communist brigade against Franco in the Spanish Civil War, using the name of Israel Altman. Later he worked for the Russian-sponsored Amtorg Trading Co in New York until 1942, before serving in the US Army in World War II.

The Cohens were part of the NKVD espionage networks in New York City which include those run by the Rosenberg and Colonel Abel. Warned that the Rosenbergs were about to be arrested by the FBI in 1950, the Cohens hurriedly fled to London where they reappeared as the Krogers in 1954. They had taken the name of a couple, Peter & Helen who had died much earlier in New Zealand; a long used identity-change tactic employed by the NKVD. It was not until November 1960 that MI5 picked up the trail of the Krogers in London, identifying them with the Soviet network operated by Gordon Lonsdale. Lonsdale delivered secret information he had obtained from the British traitors Houghton and Gee who worked at the Admiralty UWE in Portland, England.

MI5 agents kept the Krogers under surveillance until the other members of the Portland Spy Ring were arrested in early January 1961. Police Officers then arrested the Kroger's at their West London home. A search yielded a mother-lode of espionage equipment, including cipher pads on quick-burning flash paper, ciphers, code books, sophisticated photo equipment, a device for reading microdots, a specially-built Ronson lighter containing a coded message inside, and numerous other items. After a week the MI5 officers found a powerful transmitter capable of sending in rapid bursts. There could be no doubt that the Kroger's Bungalow was the communications centre for sending information to Moscow and some twenty years later, the new occupants of the Kroger's home dug up a second high-speed Soviet radio transmitter in the back garden. Fingerprints taken from the Krogers were sent to Washington where the FBI identified them as belonging to Cohens who were still wanted in the Rosenberg case. Instead of returning the Krogers to the US the British authorities tried and convicted them of espionage. They were sent to prison for twenty years.

The KGB went out of its way to secure the release of the couple by engineering the arrest of British lecturer Gerald Brooke who was visiting Moscow and who was accused of distributing subversive literature. The KGB offered to exchange the Brooke for the Krogers. The US authorities stepped in, stating that the Krogers were US citizens and could not be bartered for a British subject and that if they were to be released, they had to be extradited to the US for their part in the Rosenberg conspiracy. The Soviet Union claimed that the Krogers were in fact Polish citizens, not Americans, and the British, more eager to regain Brooke than to appease the United States, accepted the claim. The Krogers were exchanged for Brooke in October 1969. They vanished a few years later. Peter Kroger takes to the grave the name of the mole codenamed 'Percy' within the Manhattan Project who helped him pull off the century's espionage coup
Old April 29th, 2011 #11
Mike Parker
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Ignatz Reiss

Ignace Poretsky, AKA "Ignace Reiss," 1 "Ignatz Reiss," 2 "Ludwig," 3 "Ludwik", 1 "Hans Eberhardt," 4 "Steff Brandt," 5 and Nathan Poreckij 6 1899 1937 was one of the "Great Illegals" or Soviet spies who worked in third party countries where they weren't nationals in the late 1920s and 1930s. 7 An NKVD team assassinated him in September 1937 near Lausanne, Switzerland, a few weeks after he declared his defection in a letter addressed to Joseph Stalin. 7 8 He was a lifelong friend of Walter Krivitsky his assassination influenced the timing and method of Whittaker Chambers' defection a few months later.

Poretsky was born Nathan Markovic Poreckij 6 in 1899 into a Jewish family in Podwo oczyska Pidvolochysk , 9 10 then in Galicia, Austria-Hungary, just across the river from Volochysk, then in Podolia, Tsarist Russia now both in Ukraine . His mother was "Russian" from "across the river." His father had his elder brother and him educated in Lwow modern Lviv , the provincial capital. There, he formed lifelong friendships with several other boys, all of whom would become committed Communist spies. These boys included Kalyniak, Willy Stahl, Berchtold Umansky "Brun" , his brother Mikhail Umansky "Misha," later "Ilk" , Fedia later "Fedin" , and the young Walter Krivitsky born Samuel Ginsberg . During World War I, the friends traveled when they could to Vienna, where they gathered around Fedia and his girlfriend Krusia. The name Krusia also "Kruzia" became a codename between these friends in later years. Poretsky also visited Leipzig, Germany, to meet German Socialists there, he met Gertrude Schildbach, later involved in his assassination. He earned a degree from the Faculty of Law, University of Vienna. 6 In 1918, he returned to his hometown, where he worked for the railway. His older brother was killed during the Polish-Soviet War in 1920.

In early 1919, Poretsky joined the newly formed Polish Communist Party the Communist Workers' Party of Poland or KPRP , since his hometown had become part of the Second Polish Republic. The KPRP adhered closely to the policies of Rosa Luxemburg. Julian Marchlewski AKA "Karski" represented the KPRP at the Third International in March 1919.

By the summer of 1919, he had received a summons to Vienna, Austria, where he moved quickly from work with agencies of the newly formed Comintern to "Fourth Department of the General Staff" which became the Soviet GRU. He then conducted party work in Poland. There he met Joseph Krasny-Rotstadt, a friend of both Rosa Luxemburg already dead and more importantly of fellow Pole Felix Dzerzhinsky. Having fought in the Bolshevik Revolution, Krasny was already directing propaganda for Eastern Europe. During this time, Poretsky published a few articles as "Ludwig" in one of Krasny's publications, called The Civil War.

In early 1920, Poretsky was in Moscow, where he met and married his wife, Elisabeth also called "Elsa" . During the Russian-Polish War in 1920, Willy Stahl and he received their first assignment, Lwow, where they distributed illegal Bolshevik literature. By 1921, as he took on the alias "Ludwig" or "Ludwik" in his wife's memoirs , Poretsky had become a Soviet spy. In 1922, he was again working in Lwow, this time with another friend of Fedia and Krusnia's from Vienna, Jacob Locker. Elisabeth was in Lwow, too. Poretsky was arrested and charged with espionage, which carried a maximum five-year sentence. En route to prison, Poretsky escaped his train in Cracow, never to return to Poland.

Ignace Poretsky

Ignace Poretsky, AKA "Ignace Reiss,"[1] "Ignatz Reiss,"[2] "Ludwig,"[3] "Ludwik",[1] "Hans Eberhardt,"[4] "Steff Brandt,"[5] and Nathan Poreckij[6] (1899–1937) was one of the "Great Illegals" or Soviet spies who worked in third party countries where they weren't nationals in the late 1920s and 1930s.[7] An NKVD team assassinated him in September 1937 near Lausanne, Switzerland, a few weeks after he declared his defection in a letter addressed to Joseph Stalin.[7][8] He was a lifelong friend of Walter Krivitsky; his assassination influenced the timing and method of Whittaker Chambers' defection a few months later.


Early life

Poretsky was born Nathan Markovic Poreckij[6] in 1899 into a Jewish family in Podwołoczyska (Pidvolochysk),[9][10] then in Galicia, Austria-Hungary, just across the river from Volochysk, then in Podolia, Tsarist Russia (now both in Ukraine). His mother was "Russian" from "across the river." His father had his elder brother and him educated in Lwow (modern Lviv), the provincial capital. There, he formed lifelong friendships with several other boys, all of whom would become committed Communist spies. These boys included Kalyniak, Willy Stahl, Berchtold Umansky ("Brun"), his brother Mikhail Umansky ("Misha," later "Ilk"), Fedia (later "Fedin"), and the young Walter Krivitsky (born Samuel Ginsberg). During World War I, the friends traveled when they could to Vienna, where they gathered around Fedia and his girlfriend Krusia. The name Krusia (also "Kruzia") became a codename between these friends in later years. Poretsky also visited Leipzig, Germany, to meet German Socialists: there, he met Gertrude Schildbach, later involved in his assassination. He earned a degree from the Faculty of Law, University of Vienna.[6] In 1918, he returned to his hometown, where he worked for the railway. (His older brother was killed during the Polish-Soviet War in 1920.)[1]

Fourth Department: "Ludwig"

In early 1919, Poretsky joined the newly formed Polish Communist Party (the Communist Workers' Party of Poland or KPRP), since his hometown had become part of the Second Polish Republic. The KPRP adhered closely to the policies of Rosa Luxemburg. Julian Marchlewski (AKA "Karski") represented the KPRP at the Third International in March 1919.[1]

By the summer of 1919, he had received a summons to Vienna, Austria, where he moved quickly from work with agencies of the newly formed Comintern to "Fourth Department of the General Staff"—which became the Soviet GRU. He then conducted party work in Poland. There he met Joseph Krasny-Rotstadt, a friend of both Rosa Luxemburg (already dead) and (more importantly) of fellow Pole Felix Dzerzhinsky. Having fought in the Bolshevik Revolution, Krasny was already directing propaganda for Eastern Europe. During this time, Poretsky published a few articles as "Ludwig" in one of Krasny's publications, called The Civil War.

In early 1920, Poretsky was in Moscow, where he met and married his wife, Elisabeth (also called "Elsa"). During the Russian-Polish War in 1920, Willy Stahl and he received their first assignment, Lwow, where they distributed illegal Bolshevik literature. By 1921, as he took on the alias "Ludwig" (or "Ludwik" in his wife's memoirs), Poretsky had become a Soviet spy. In 1922, he was again working in Lwow, this time with another friend of Fedia and Krusnia's from Vienna, Jacob Locker. Elisabeth was in Lwow, too. Poretsky was arrested and charged with espionage, which carried a maximum five-year sentence. En route to prison, Poretsky escaped his train in Cracow, never to return to Poland.[1]

From 1921 to 1929, Poretsky served in Western Europe, particularly Berlin and Vienna. In Berlin, the Poretskys' house guests included Karl Radek and Larissa Reisner, ex- wife of Fedor Raskolnikov (a Naval officer who chronicled the Kronstadt rebellion).[11] In Vienna, friends included Yuriy Kotsiubynsky, Alexander Schlichter, Angelica Balabanov, Paul Ruegg, Ivan Zaporozhets, Alexander Lykov, and Emil Maurer. In Amsterdam, the Poretsky's knew Henriette Roland-Holst, Hildo Krop, Princess Juliana of the Netherlands, "Professor Carvalho" (Ricardo Carvalho Calero), "H. C. Pieck" (Henri Pieck), and most importantly "Henricus" or "Henryk Sneevliet" (Henk Sneevliet).[1] In this same period, Richard Sorge brought Hede Massing to Poretsky for training.[3]

In 1927, he returned briefly to Moscow, where he received the Order of the Red Banner. From 1929 to 1932, Poretsky served in Moscow, where he worked in a nominal post of the Polish section of the Comintern—already sidelined as a "foreign" (non-Russian). Among the people whom the Poretskys knew at that time were Richard Sorge (AKA "Ika"), Sorge's his superior, Alexander Borovich, Felix Gorski, Otto Braun, Max Maximov-Friedman, Franz Fischer, Pavlo Ladan, and Theodore Maly. Valentin Markin reported to Poretsky in Moscow, who in turn reported to Abram Slutsky.[1]

Defection and death (1937)

From 1932 to 1937, Poretsky was stationed in Paris. There, the Poretskys met Egon Erwin Kisch, Alexander Rado, Noel Field, Vasily Zarubin ("Vasia"), Yakov Blumkin, Boris Bazarov, J. K. Berzin (Jānis Bērziņš), and Arthur Stavchevsky.[1] By 1936, their friends were returning to Moscow one after the other, most of whom were shot or disappeared during the Great Purge. Poretsky received a summons back to Moscow: his wife went in his stead in late 1936, staying into early 1937. In early 1937, Krivitsky was recalled but managed to finagle his way out again on foreign assignment.[1]

Upon Krivitsky's return, Poretsky composed a letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, addressed to Stalin and dated July 17, 1937. He returned the Order of the Red Banner with his letter. (The letter forms part of the opening of his wife's memoirs.)[1]

Then, Poretsky fled with his wife and child to the remote village of Finhaut, Valais canton, Switzerland, to hide. After they had been hiding for a month, Gertrude Schildbach got back in touch with them. On September 4, they decided to meet Schildbach in Lausanne. Wife and son boarded a train for Territet, Vaud canton, Switzerland. Poretsky stayed with Schildbach before he was to board a train for Rheims to meet Sneevliet, who was to publish Poretsky's letter and news of his defection. Then he would rejoin his family in Territet. He never made his train to Rheims.[1]

As Poretsky's wife relates in her memoirs, she went to Vevey to meet Schildbach again on September 5, but the woman never showed up. On September 6, she saw a small article in a Lausanne newspaper about a man with a Czech passport for "Hans Eberhardt" found dead on the night of September 4 on the road from Lausanne to Chamblandes. He was killed, then riddled with machine gun bullets. In his hands were long strands of a woman's hair.[1]

On the first anniversary of Poretsky's assassination, his wife (as "Elsa Reiss") described their situation:

He would wait no longer, he had made up his mind. And now I tried to dissuade him from being over-impulsive, to talk things over with other comrades. I was justifiably afraid for his life. I pleaded with him not to walk out alone, to make the break along with other comrades but he only said: “One can count on nobody. One must act alone and openly. One cannot trick history, there is no point in delay.” He was correct – one is alone. It was a release for him but also a break with everything that had hitherto counted with him, with his youth, his past, his comrades. Now we were completely alone. In those few weeks Reiss aged very rapidly, his hair became snow-white. He who loved nature and cherished life looked about him with empty eyes. He was surrounded by corpses. His soul was in the cellars of the Lubianka. In his sleep-torn nights he saw an execution or a suicide.[12]


Between 1920 and 1922, Poretsky married Elsa Bernaut (AKA "Else Bernaut" AKA "Elisabeth K. Poretsky," AKA "Elsa Reiss") (1898-1976[13]) in Moscow; at times, Reiss used her maiden name as another alias.[1][14] (In French, her book received the title Les nôtres by "Elisabeth K. Poretski" in the Bibliothèque nationale de Paris[15] and by "Elizaveta Poretskaya" in The Black Book of Communism.[16])

They had one child, a boy named Roman, born around 1926.[13]


1952: Witness, by Whittaker Chambers

Poretsky appears in the 1952 memoirs of Whittaker Chambers, Witness: his assassination in July 1937 was perhaps the last straw that caused him not only to defect but to make careful preparations when doing so.

Suddenly, revolutionists with a lifetime of devoted activity would pop out, like rabbits from a burrow, with the G.P.U. close on their heels—Barmine from the Soviet legation in Athens, Raskolnikoff from the Soviet legation in Sofia, Krivitsky from Amsterdam, Reiss from Switzerland. Not that Reiss fled. Instead, a brave and a lonely man, he sent his single-handed defiance to Stalin: Murderer of the Kremlin cellars, I herewith return my decorations and resume my freedom of action. But defiance is not enough; cunning is needed to fight cunning. It was foredoomed that sooner or later the door of a G.P.U limousine would swing open and Reiss's body with the bullets in the defiant brain would tumble out—as happened shortly after he deserted. Of the four I have named, only Barmine outran the hunters. Reiss's death moved me deeply.[2]

Compared to Reiss/Poretsky, Chambers considered far more carefully how to elude the Soviets when he defected in April 1938, as described in Witness.

1995: Ignace Reiss, by Daniel Kunzi

Swiss filmmaker Daniel Kunzi made a 53-minute documentary film called Ignace Reiss: Vie et mort d'un révolutionnaire about Poretsky's life and death, following several years of research. The film includes testimonials, historical footage, a reconstruction of his assassination, all narrated by readings from his wife's memoirs.[17][18]

Participating in the film are:

Vanessa Redgrave, who reads from adaptations of Elisabeth Poretsky's memoirs

Gerard Rosenthal, who recounts his services as lawyer to both Leon Trotsky and Elisabeth Poretsky[19][20]

1998: Fear of Mirrors, by Tariq Ali

"Ludwik" forms the background history of Tariq Ali's 1998 novel Fear of Mirrors, set during German reunification in 1990. Ali was fascinated by the story of Ignace Reiss: "Ludwik became an obsession with me."[13]

Ignace_Poretsky Ignace_Poretsky
Old April 30th, 2011 #12
Mike Parker
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Samuel Dickstein

Samuel Dickstein (February 5, 1885 - April 22, 1954) was a Democratic Congressional Representative from New York, a New York State Supreme Court Justice, and a Soviet agent. He played a key role in establishing the committee that would become the House Committee on Un-American Activities.

Early life and career

Dickstein was born near Vilnius in present-day Lithuania, and immigrated to the United States in 1887 with his parents, who settled in New York City. There he attended public and private schools in New York City, the College of the City of New York, and graduated from the New York City Law School in 1906. He was admitted to the bar in 1908 and commenced law practice in New York City. He served as special deputy attorney general of the State of New York from 1911-1914, member of the board of aldermen in 1917, member of the State Assembly 1919-1922. He served as a member of the Democratic County Committee and was elected as a Democrat to the Sixty-eighth Congress and was reelected eleven times. He resigned from Congress on December 30, 1945. He served as Chairman on the Committee on Immigration and Naturalization (Seventy-second through Seventy-ninth Congresses).

Soviet agent

In 1934, Dickstein introduced the "Dickstein Resolution" (H.R. 198) calling for the establishment of a special committee of the U.S. House of Representatives to investigate "un-American activities."[1] Under the pretext of investigating U.S. fascists,[2] he used the so-called "McCormack-Dickstein committee" to launch a series of "witch hunts" or inquisitions, persecuting and smearing anti-Communist American businessmen,[3] Soviet refugees[4] and Trotskyites[5] (whom Stalin had labeled "agents of fascism").[6] Dickstein was a Soviet agent at the time,[7] code-named "Crook."[8] For his services, the NKVD paid him more than $12,000[9] in the depths of the Great Depression—equivalent to more than $180,000 today.[10]

Further material

Dickstein was a spy for the Soviet Union while a sitting member of Congress. The Soviet NKVD case handlers code-named him “Crook” due to his greedy compensation demands. Dickstein gave Moscow information on fascist groups in the U.S. and war budget materials. He is the only Congressman known to have spied for the Soviet Union while a member of Congress. He was instrumental in establishing and serving as vice chairman of the temporary Select Committee on Un-American Activities (the Dies Committee) in 1938 to investigate fascist and Nazi groups in the United States. After the Nazi-Soviet pact, the same committee was made into a permanent committee of the House, renamed the House Committee on Un-American Activities, and expanded its attention to include Communist organizations. Dickstein was paid $1250 a month from 1937 to early 1940 by the Soviet spy agency the KGB, which hoped to get secret Congressional information of anti-Communist and pro-fascist forces. When Dickstein left the Committee the KGB dropped him from the payroll. [11]

Dickstein later served as a Justice on the New York State Supreme Court until his death in New York City.

Samuel Dickstein (congressman)

Samuel Dickstein (February 5, 1885 – April 22, 1954) was a Democratic Congressional Representative from New York and a New York State Supreme Court Justice. He played a key role in establishing the committee that would become the House Committee on Un-American Activities, which he used to attack fascists, including Nazi sympathizers, and suspected communists.

Early life and career

Dickstein was born into a Jewish family living near Vilnius in present-day Lithuania. He emigrated to the United States in 1887 with his parents, who settled in New York City. There he attended public and private schools in New York City, the College of the City of New York, and graduated from the New York City Law School in 1906. He was admitted to the bar in 1908 and commenced law practice in New York City. He served as special deputy attorney general of the State of New York from 1911–1914, member of the board of aldermen in 1917, member of the State Assembly 1919–1922. He served as a member of the Democratic County Committee and was elected as a Democrat to the Sixty-eighth Congress and was reelected eleven times. He resigned from Congress on December 30, 1945. He served as Chairman on the Committee on Immigration and Naturalization (Seventy-second through Seventy-ninth Congresses).

During his tenure as Chairman of the Committee on Naturalization and Immigration, Dickstein became aware of the substantial number of foreigners legally and illegally entering and residing in the US, and the growing Anti-Semitism along with vast amounts of anti-Semitic literature being distributed in the country. This led him to investigate independently the activities of Nazi and other fascist groups in the U.S. This investigation proved to be of such significance that on January 3, 1934, the opening day of the second session of the 73rd Congress, Dickstein introduced a resolution calling for the formation of a special committee to probe un-American activities in the United States. The "Dickstein Resolution" (H.R. #198) was passed in March 1934, with John William McCormack named Chairman and Samuel Dickstein Vice-Chairman. Dickstein had refused the chairmanship of the Committee, feeling that his Jewish ancestry might have an adverse effect on the proceedings.

Throughout the rest of 1934, the Special Committee on Un-American Activities conducted hearings, bringing before it most of the major figures in the U.S. fascist movement. Dickstein, who proclaimed as his aim the eradication of all traces of Nazism in the U.S.[1], personally questioned each witness. His flair for dramatics and sensationalism, along with his sometimes exaggerated claims, continually captured headlines across the nation and won him much public recognition.

He was instrumental in establishing the temporary Select Committee on Un-American Activities (the 'Dies Committee') with Martin Dies, Jr. as chairman, in 1938 to investigate fascist and Communist groups in the United States.

Later the same committee was renamed the House Committee on Un-American Activities when it shifted attention to Communist organizations and was made a standing committee in 1945.

Following the 1938 Anschluss, Dickstein attempted to introduce legislation that would allow unused refugee quotas to be allocated to those fleeing Hitler.[2]

Dickstein later served as a Justice on the New York State Supreme Court until his death in New York City.

In his 2000 book The Haunted Wood, writer Allen Weinstein claimed that documents discovered in 1990s in the Moscow archives showed Dickstein was paid $1250 a month from 1937 to early 1940 by the NKVD, the Soviet spy agency, which hoped to get secret Congressional information on anti-Communist and pro-fascist forces. According to Weinstein, whether Dickstein provided any intelligence is not certain; when he left the Committee the Soviets dropped him from the payroll.[3]
Old April 30th, 2011 #13
Mike Parker
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Judith Coplon, Haunted by Espionage Case, Dies at 89

Published: March 1, 2011

Judith Socolov, who as a diminutive Barnard graduate named Judith Coplon was convicted of espionage more than 60 years ago after embracing a utopian vision of communism and falling in love with a Soviet agent, died Saturday in Manhattan. She was 89.

Judith Coplon won a good-citizenship award in high school and a full scholarship to Barnard, where she majored in history and was a member of the Young Communist League.

Her death was confirmed by her daughter, Emily Socolov. A longtime Brooklyn resident, the elder Ms. Socolov had been living in the Bronx.

Judith Coplon was a 5-foot-tall, 27-year-old political analyst for the Justice Department when she was arrested by the F.B.I. in 1949 with the Soviet agent Valentin A. Gubitchev on a Manhattan street corner. She had been identified from intercepted Soviet cables.

But her convictions for espionage in 1949 and for conspiracy (with Mr. Gubitchev) in 1950 were overturned — in one case because federal agents overheard conversations with her lawyer, and in the other because she was arrested on probable cause but without a warrant.

Still, the United States Court of Appeals concluded that “her guilt is plain,” and Soviet documents released years later supported that conclusion.

“She was a very high priority to the F.B.I.,” John Earl Haynes, a cold war historian at the Library of Congress, said on Monday, “because she was clearly in a Justice Department office, the Foreign Agents Registration Section, that was receiving the F.B.I.’s own counterespionage reports.”

While her appeals were pending, Ms. Coplon (pronounced COPE-lon) married one of her lawyers, Albert Socolov, a decorated D-Day veteran. The court restricted their honeymoon to within 100 miles of New York City.

After the verdicts were reversed, Ms. Coplon — now Ms. Socolov — lived in obscurity, raising four children, earning a master’s degree in education, publishing bilingual books, tutoring women in prison in creative writing, and, with her husband, running two Mexican restaurants in Manhattan (the Beach House in TriBeCa and Alameda on the Upper West Side).

Ms. Socolov refused to discuss her relationship with Mr. Gubitchev, a Russian working at the United Nations, or her legal ordeal. “The subject of her innocence or guilt was something that she would strictly not address,” Emily Socolov said.

“It’s very hair-raising to read about your mother being given a code name and moved around like a chess piece,” the daughter added. “Was she a spy? I think it’s another question that I ask: Was she part of a community that felt that they were going to bring, by their actions, an age of peace and justice and an equal share for all and the abolishing of color lines and class lines?”

“If these were things that she actually did, she was not defining them as espionage,” Ms. Socolov continued. “If you feel that what you’re doing answers to a higher ideal, it’s not treason.”

Judith Coplon was born in Brooklyn on May 17, 1921, the daughter of Samuel and Rebecca Moroh Coplon, a toy manufacturer and milliner, respectively. Her great-grandfather, a peddler who had emigrated from Prussia, was a prisoner during the Civil War at Andersonville, the infamous Confederate prison camp.

Ms. Coplon won a good-citizenship award in high school and a full scholarship to Barnard, where she majored in history and was a member of the Young Communist League. She graduated cum laude in 1943, joined the Justice Department in 1944 and, according to the government, was recruited by Soviet intelligence later that year.

In 1948, after intercepting a secret three-year-old Soviet cable, the Venona project, which monitored and decoded Soviet diplomatic communications, identified Ms. Coplon as an agent code-named Sima. She “will be able to carry out important work for us in throwing light” on United States counterintelligence, the Soviet cable said.

To snare her, the F.B.I. fed her a false memorandum about atomic power, then followed her in Manhattan on March 30, 1949, with 30 agents and a fleet of radio cars. After she made a series of evasive maneuvers by subway and bus, she and Mr. Gubitchev were arrested under the Third Avenue elevated line in Midtown. Several secret documents, including the faked memo, were confiscated.

“I was never and am not a Communist,” Ms. Coplon later declared. “The only crime I can be said to be guilty of is that I knew a Russian.”

She said she had met Mr. Gubitchev at the Museum of Modern Art and fallen in love with him, only to learn he was married. “I will always say that I’m innocent and that I’m being framed,” she testified.

In 1952, after winning the right to a new trial, she remained free on $40,000 bail. The bail money was not returned until 1967, when the Justice Department formally dropped the case.

For years, though, the charges haunted her. “If she felt somebody was looking at her askance or treating her disparagingly,” Emily Socolov said, “she thought about that case.”

Ms. Socolov emerged in 1981 to defend her husband against accusations that money he had invested for a client was drug-related. He was acquitted.

Mr. Socolov survives her. Besides her daughter, Ms. Coplon is also survived by three sons, Benjamin, William and Daniel; and four grandchildren.

In their book about the case, “The Spy Who Seduced America,” Marcia and Thomas Mitchell wrote that in 1994 Albert Socolov continued to insist that his wife was innocent. But for 60 years the couple shunned publicity.

“We’ve had all kinds of requests for interviews, for books, but it has been our steady policy to refuse,” Mr. Socolov told The New York Times a decade ago. “Other people are interested in posterity. We’re not.”

Judith Coplon

Born in Brooklyn, New York in 1922. Daughter of a prominent to manufacturer.

Graduated Cum Laude from Barnhard College in 1943, having focused on Russian History and Culture. Employed by the United States Department of Justice, first in New York and later in Washington D.C. after being promoted to the foreign agents registration division. Had access to FBI documents with lists of foreign diplomats and suspected foreign spies.Was highly praised for her analysis on Soviet political and cultural issues. Received promotions.

Began supplying information to the Soviets sometime between 1945 and 1947. Was assigned a special Soviet contact, an Intelligence Officer named Valentin Gubitchev. Gubitchev was a former member of the Soviet delegation to the United Nations. At the time he began meeting with Coplon, he was an employee for the United Nations.

In 1948, an unidentified informant passed information along to the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation J. Edgar Hoover, reporting that a woman, formerly employed in the New York branch but then working at the Washington offices of the Department of Justices was passing secrets that were making their way to the Russian Embassy in New York.

Was placed under intense surveillance. FBI agents placed taps on her telephone line, monitored her mail and followed her as she traveled. Neighbors claimed that Coplon was quiet and did not entertain male guest in her apartment. Surveillance, however, indicated that she engaged in sexual affairs with several men, presumably for the purpose of obtaining classified information.

Often traveled to New York City on the weekends, often asking to leave from work early on Fridays. Took classified documents home with her and retyped them. Gave the retyped documents to Gubitchev when she visited him in New York.

Requested a special document containing a list of suspected Soviet spies. Director Hoover personally delivered a fake version of the document to Coplon's supervisor, who immediately provided it to her. Coplon, upon receiving the document requested the rest of the day off and then traveled to New York for the weekend (followed by FBI agents - January 14, 1949).

Was trailed by FBI agents around Manhattan until she finally met with Gubitchen in a restaurant. After exchanging documents, the couple left and boarded a subway train. As the doors to the train were closing, Gubitchev bolted from the train and evaded the trailing FBI agents.

Having been observed passing documents, Coplon was transferred to another division of the Department of Justice, in order to keep her away from sensitive documents. Coplon continued to seek access to such documents, volunteering to aid her replacement in getting up to speed.

Requested additional classified information that her supervisor had recently obtained (fake information received from Hoover). Her supervisor left the information in Coplon's view and left the room. Coplon left the room and caught a train to New York (March 6, 1949).

After meeting Gubitchev, Coplon and her Soviet handler were confronted by FBI agents. After trying to flee, both were apprehended and arrested. Coplon had numerous top-secret documents on her person, including the one provided by Hoover. Coplon was charged with treason and espionage and Gubitchev was charged with espionage.

Coplon faced two trials, one in Washington and one in New York. She was convicted in both. Gubitchev was convicted and deported. Coplon convictions were overturned, as an Appeals Court ruled that the FBI had illegally recorded conversations between Coplon and her attorney and further that the FBI had arrested her without an arrest warrant.

Married one of her attorneys and moved to New York where she settled down as a housewife.

Old April 30th, 2011 #14
Mike Parker
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Bruno Pontecorvo

Bruno Pontecorvo (Russian: Бру́но Макси́мович Понтеко́рво, Bruno Maksimovich Pontekorvo; Marina di Pisa, Italy, August 22, 1913 – Dubna, Russia, September 24, 1993) was an Italian-born atomic physicist, an early assistant of Enrico Fermi and then the author of numerous studies in high energy physics, especially on neutrinos. According to Oleg Gordievsky (the highest-ranking KGB officer ever to defect)[1] and Pavel Sudoplatov (former deputy director of Foreign Intelligence for the USSR),[2] Pontecorvo was also a Soviet agent.[3] He defected to the USSR in 1950, where he continued his research on the decay of the muon and on neutrinos. The prestigious Pontecorvo Prize was instituted in his memory in 1995.

Early life and education

Pontecorvo was born in Pisa into a wealthy non-observant Italian Jewish family. At only 18 he was admitted to the Course of Physics held by Enrico Fermi at the University of Rome La Sapienza, becoming one of the closest (and the youngest) assistants of Fermi and one of the so-called Via Panisperna boys (as Fermi's group of scientists is often called, after the name of the street where their laboratory was situated).

In 1934 he contributed to Fermi's famous experiment showing the properties of slow neutrons that led the way to the discovery of nuclear fission.

Early career

In 1936 he moved to Paris to work in the laboratory of Irène and Frédéric Joliot-Curie on the effects of collisions of neutrons with protons and on the electromagnetic transitions among isomers. During this period he was influenced by the ideas of socialism to which he remained loyal for the rest of his life. In Paris, in 1938, he formed a relationship with Marianne Nordblom, a young student of French Literature, and their first son was born during that year.

Pontecorvo was unable to return to Italy because of the fascist regime's racial discrimination against the Jews. He remained in Paris until the Nazis entered the city, then fled with his family to Spain and shortly after to the USA, where he had found employment with an oil company in Tulsa, Oklahoma. While at the oil company he developed a technology and an instrument for well logging, based on the properties of neutrons. This technology may be considered the first practical application of the Via Panisperna boys' discovery of slow neutrons.

He was not called upon to participate in the Manhattan Project in the USA for the construction of the atomic bomb, possibly because of his committed socialist beliefs. But in 1943 he was invited to join the associated Montreal Laboratory in Canada, where he concentrated on reactor design, cosmic rays, neutrinos and the decay of muons.

In 1948, after he obtained British citizenship, he was invited by John Cockcroft to contribute to the British atomic bomb project at AERE, Harwell where he joined the Nuclear Physics Division under Egon Bretscher. In 1950 he was appointed to the chair of physics at the University of Liverpool which he was due to take up in January, 1951.


However, on August 31, 1950, in the middle of a holiday in Italy, he abruptly left Rome for Stockholm with his wife and three sons without informing friends or relatives. The next day he was helped by Soviet agents to enter the USSR from Finland. His abrupt disappearance caused much concern to many of the western intelligence services, especially those of Britain and the USA who were worried about the escape of atomic secrets to the Soviet Union after the then recent case of Klaus Fuchs. But as was pointed out immediately, Pontecorvo had had only limited access to "secret subjects" and even later no allegation of spying or of transferring of secrets to the Soviets has ever been made against him.

In the USSR Pontecorvo was welcomed with honor and given a number of privileges reserved only to the Soviet nomenklatura. He worked until his death in what is now the Joint Institute for Nuclear Research (JINR) in Dubna, concentrating entirely on theoretical studies of high energy particles and continuing his research on neutrinos and decay of muons. In recognition of his research he was awarded the Stalin Prize in 1953, membership of the Soviet Academy of Sciences in 1958 and two Orders of Lenin. In 1955 he appeared to the world in public at a press conference where he explained to the world the motivations of his choice to leave the West and work in the USSR. Pontecorvo did not leave the Soviet Union for many years, the first trip being in 1978 when he travelled to Italy.

Personal life

Bruno Pontecorvo was brother of film director Gillo Pontecorvo and geneticist Guido Pontecorvo. He was a great-uncle of Flavio Pontecorvo, the electronics engineer. He had two wives: Marianna Nordblom (born in Sweden) and Rodam Amiredzhibi (born in Georgia, Soviet Union) and three children.


He died in Dubna in 1993, afflicted by Parkinson's disease. Half of his ashes is now buried in the Protestant Cemetery in Rome, and another half in Dubna, Russia, according to his will.


In 1995, in recognition of his scientific merits, the prestigious Pontecorvo Prize has been instituted by the Joint Institute for Nuclear Research. The prize, awarded annually to an individual scientist, recognizes "the most significant investigations in elementary particle physics", as acknowledged by the international scientific community.

The scientific work of Bruno Pontecorvo is full of formidable intuitions, some of which have represented milestones in modern physics. These include:

the intuition of how to detect anti-neutrinos generated in nuclear reactors (methodology used by Frederick Reines who was awarded for this with the Nobel prize in 1995);

the prediction that neutrinos associated with electrons are different from those associated with muons (for experimental verification of this another Nobel prize was awarded to J. Steinberger, L. Lederman and M. Schwartz in 1988);

the idea that neutrinos may convert into other type of neutrinos, a phenomenon known as neutrino oscillation.

This last idea was proposed in 1957 and developed in the subsequent years by Pontecorvo, till 1967 where it was given the modern form. This phenomenon was first seen with solar neutrinos in 1968 and was recently confirmed by several other experiments, but it is not recognized by a Nobel prize yet (the prize awarded to Masatoshi Koshiba and Ray Davis in 2002 regards neutrino astronomy).

Selected publications

"Neutron Well Logging - A New Geological Method Based on Nuclear Physics". Oil and Gas Journal 40: 32–33. 1941.
Pages in the Development of Neutrino Physics, Usp.Fiz.Nauk 141, 1983, 675 [English ed. Sov.Phys.Usp.26, 1983, 1087]
B. Pontecorvo,"Mesonium and anti-mesonium", Sov.Phys.JETP 6 429 (1957)

Bruno_Pontecorvo Bruno_Pontecorvo
Old April 30th, 2011 #15
Mike Parker
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Mike Parker

Victor Perlo

Victor Perlo (1912–1999) was a Marxist economist, government functionary, and a longtime member of the governing National Committee of the Communist Party USA. From 1935 through the middle 1940s, Perlo allegedly participated in the gathering of information for the secret foreign intelligence apparatus of the Soviet Union, activity for which he is remembered as the namesake of the so-called "Perlo group." In the years following World War II, Perlo published extensively as one of the Communist Party's leading voices on economic issues.


Early years

Victor Perlo was born May 15, 1912 in East Elmhurst, Queens county, New York. Perlo was the son of ethnic Jewish parents who had both emigrated in their youth to America from the Russian empire.[1] His father, Samuel Perlo, was a lawyer and his mother, Rachel Perlo, was a teacher.[1]

Perlo received his Bachelor's degree from Columbia University in New York City in 1931 and Master's degree in mathematics from the same school in 1933.[2]

Late in 1932 or early in 1933, while still a student at Columbia, Perlo joined the Communist Party USA, an organization with which he was affiliated throughout his life.[1]

Perlo married his first wife, Katherine, in 1933 and divorced in 1943. Subsequently, he married his second wife, Ellen, with whom he remained for the rest of his life. The couple had three children, a girl and two boys.[3]

Perlo had varied interests, which included tennis, mountain climbing, and chess. He was also a talented pianist.

Governmental career

After his graduation from Columbia in 1933, Perlo went to work as a statistical analyst and assistant to a division chief at the National Recovery Administration (NRA), remaining at that post until June 1935.[1] Perlo then moved to the Federal Home Loan Bank Board where he was an analyst for the Home Owners' Loan Corporation, establishing statistical analyses for properties mortgaged to the corporation and projecting long term financial accounts.[4] Perlo worked in that capacity until October 1937.[1]

In October 1937, Perlo left government service to work in the Brookings Institution, a liberal think tank established in 1916, where he stayed as a researcher for more than two years.[1] In November 1939, Perlo went to work in the US Department of Commerce, where he worked as a senior economic analyst in the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce.[4]

Perlo moved to the Office of Price Administration (OPA) in November 1940, where he was head of the economic statistics division.[1] There Perlo engaged in the study of inflationary pressures in the American economy, particularly with the advent of World War II, which helped provide documentation enabling the institution of price controls.[4]

Perlo remained in that capacity until leaving to become head of the aviation section of the Bureau of Programs and Statistics at the War Production Board (WPB).[1] Perlo's work at the WPB involved analysis of the various economic problems of aircraft production.[5] In September 1944 he was made a special assistant to the director of the Bureau of Programs and Statistics of the WPB.[1]

During his time in the federal bureaucracy, Perlo was a contributor to the Communist Party's press, submitting articles on economic matters under a variety of pseudonyms.[1] He also secretly assisted I.F. Stone in gathering materials for various journalistic exposés.[1]

About December 1945, Perlo went to the U.S. Treasury Department, where he worked in the Monetary Research department.[6] There he was an alternate member of the Committee for Reciprocity Information, which took care of technical work relating to trade agreements under the Reciprocal Trade Agreement Act and doing preparatory work for the International Trade Organization.[6]

Perlo left government service in 1947, resigning in the midst of an investigation over whether his continued employment represented a security risk.[7]

Career after government

In 1948, Perlo obtained a position as an economist for the Progressive Party, assisting the Presidential campaign of former U.S. Secretary of Agriculture and Vice President Henry Wallace.[8]

In 1968, he signed the “Writers and Editors War Tax Protest” pledge, vowing to refuse tax payments in protest against the Vietnam War.[9]

Espionage allegations

In 1935, Perlo was allegedly part of a Washington, DC-based communist group headed by J. Peters (code-named "Steve") which mined information on behalf of Soviet intelligence.[10] At Peters' direction, Perlo (code-named "Raid") met with several other leading CPUSA members including V.J. Jerome, Eugene Dennis, and Roy Hudson, although any relationship of these latter-named individuals to the Soviet intelligence gathering effort was not clear even to the service's Washington, DC station head Anatoly Gorsky in December 1944.[10]

Perlo was accused of being a Soviet agent by defecting spy Elizabeth Bentley in the summer of 1948 and on August 9 was called before Congress to give testimony to the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC), engaged in an investigation of alleged Communist infiltration of the federal government. Perlo repeatedly invoked the Fifth Amendment when asked about his relations with other alleged espionage agents and Communist Party members, refusing three times when asked in various ways whether he was or had been a member of the Communist Party.[11] He took the Fifth three more times when asked whether he had ever known, seen, or passed classified information to Elizabeth Bentley, who was present in the hearing room, and 36 more times when asked about various other individuals of interest to HUAC.[12]

Perlo was then temporarily excused from the stand and Elizabeth Bentley brought forward. Bentley testified that she had first met Victor Perlo in the apartment of attorney John Abt in March 1944 and acknowledged that Perlo was the head of the "so-called Perlo group of Government employees" that had furnished information to Bentley for transmission to the Soviet government.[13] Bentley testified that Perlo was employed in the part of the War Production Board which made use of secret information on aircraft production and stated that he had passed on to her "production figures listed by types of planes — fighters, bombers, transports, photographic planes, and so on."[14]

Recalled to the stand, Perlo again repeatedly invoked the Fifth Amendment before being allowed to read into the record a prepared statement. "The lurid spy charges of the Bentley woman and Chambers are inventions of irresponsible sensation seekers," Perlo declared, adding "I am a loyal American citizen, and I categorically assert that I have never violated the laws or interests of my country."[15]

While the veracity of the charges remained unresolved at the time, the cloud over Perlo with respect to the espionage allegations made against him combined with his refusal to cooperate with HUAC effectively denied him future academic employment and ended his government career.

Perlo was again called by Congress for testimony in 1953, this time before the Senate Sub-committee on Internal Security.

Death and legacy

He died on December 1, 1999 at his home in Croton-on-Hudson, New York. He was 87 years old at the time of his death.[3]

Victor Perlo's papers are housed in the special collections department of Lewis J. Ort Library at Frostburg State University in Frostburg, Maryland.

Victor_Perlo Victor_Perlo

Perlo group

Headed by Victor Perlo, the Perlo group is the name given to a group of Americans who provided information which was given to Soviet intelligence agencies; it was active during the World War II period, until the entire group was exposed to the FBI by the defection of Elizabeth Bentley.

It had sources on the War Production Board, the Senate La Follette Subcommittee on Civil Liberties; and in the United States Department of Treasury.

The Perlo group and Venona

Much useful additional information on the activities of the Perlo group was given by the Venona project. The first Venona transcript referencing the Perlo group gives the names of all the members in clear text, as code names had not yet been assigned.

The Perlo group fits into the Venona project information when transcript # 687 of 13 May 1944 is examined. Iskhak Akhmerov in New York City personally prepared a report to MGB headquarters in Moscow advising that some unspecified action had been taken regarding Elizabeth Bentley in accordance with instructions of Earl Browder. Akhmerov then made reference to winter and also to Harry Magdoff. This latter reference was then followed by a statement that in Bentley's opinion "they" are reliable. It was also mentioned that no one had interested himself in their possibilities.

The name Golovin was mentioned, and it was then reported that Victor Perlo, Charles Kramer, Edward Fitzgerald and Harry Magdoff would take turns coming to New York every two weeks. Akhmerov said Kramer and Fitzgerald knew Nathan Gregory Silvermaster, whose cover name was later changed to "Robert".

Bentley advised that Jacob Golos informed her he had made contact with a group in Washington, D.C. through Earl Browder. After the death of Golos in 1943, two meetings were arranged with this group in 1944. The first meeting was arranged by Browder and was held in early 1944. The meetings were held in the apartment of John Abt in New York City and Bentley was introduced to four individuals identified as Victor Perlo, Charles Kramer, Harry Magdoff and Edward Fitzgerald.

KGB Archives

Allen Weinstein and Alexander Vassiliev in Haunted Wood, a book written from an examination of KGB Archives in Moscow, report the KGB credits the Perlo group members with having sent, among other items, the following 1945 U.S. Government documents to Moscow:


Contents of a WPB memo dealing with apportionment of aircraft to the USSR in the event of war on Japan;

WPB discussion of the production policy regarding war materials at an Executive Committee meeting;

Documents on future territorial planning for commoditiies in short supply;

Documents on a priority system for foreign orders for producing goods in the United States after the end of the war in Europe;

Documents on trade policy and trade controls after the war;

Documents on arms production in the United States in January 1945;


A WPB report on "Aluminum for the USSR and current political issues in the U.S. over aluminum supplies" (2/26/45);


Documents concerning the committee developing plans for the U.S. economy after the defeat of Germany, and also regarding war orders for the war against Japan;

Documents on the production of the B-29 bomber and the B-32;

Tactical characteristics of various bombers and fighters;

Materials on the United States using Saudi Arabian oil resources;


Data concerning U.S. war industry production in May from the WPB's secret report;

Data concerning plans for a 1945–1946 aircraft production from the WPB;

More data on specific aircraft's technical aspects;


Data concerning the new Export-Import Bank;

Data concerning supplies of American aircraft to the Allies in June 1945;

Data from the top secret WPB report on U.S. war industry production in June;


Detailed data concerning the industrial capacities of the Western occupation zones of Germany that could be brought out as war reparations;

Information on views within the U.S. Army circles concerning the inevitability of war against the USSR as well as statements by an air force general supporting U.S. acquisition of advanced bases in Europe for building missiles.


Victor Perlo headed the Perlo group. Perlo was originally allegedly a member of the Ware group before World War II. After receiving a master's degree in mathematics from Columbia University in 1933, Perlo worked at a number of New Deal government agencies among a group of economists known as “Harry Hopkins’ bright young men.” The group worked, among other things, for creation and implementation of the WPA jobs program, and helped push through unemployment compensation, the Wagner National Labor Relations Act, the Fair Labor Standards Act, and Social Security. During World War II, Perlo served in several capacities, working first as chief of the Aviation Section of the War Production Board, then in the Office of Price Administration, and later for the Treasury Department. Perlo left the government in 1947. Perlo also worked for the Brookings Institution and wrote American Imperialism. Perlo's code name in Soviet intelligence was "Eck" and "Raid" appearing in Venona project as "Raider".

Victor Perlo, Chief of the Aviation Section of the War Production Board; head of branch in Research Section, Office of Price Administration Department of Commerce; Division of Monetary Research Department of Treasury; Brookings Institution

Edward Fitzgerald, War Production Board

Harold Glasser, Deputy Director, Division of Monetary Research, United States Department of the Treasury; United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation
Administration; War Production Board; Advisor on North African Affairs Committee; United States Treasury Representative to the Allied High Commission in Italy

Charles Kramer, Senate Subcommittee on War Mobilization; Office of Price Administration; National Labor Relations Board; Senate Subcommittee on Wartime Health and Education; Agricultural Adjustment Administration; Senate Subcommittee on Civil Liberties; Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee; Democratic National Committee

Harry Magdoff, Statistical Division of War Production Board and Office of Emergency Management; Bureau of Research and Statistics, WTB; Tools Division, War Production Board; Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, United States Department of Commerce

Allen Rosenberg, Board of Economic Warfare; Chief of the Economic Institution Staff, Foreign Economic Administration; Senate Subcommittee on Civil Liberties; Senate Committee on Education and Labor; Railroad Retirement Board; Councel to the Secretary of the National Labor Relations Board
Donald Wheeler, Office of Strategic Services Research and Analysis division

See also

Harry Magdoff and espionage

Perlo_group Perlo_group
Old May 1st, 2011 #16
Mike Parker
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Spy Like Us?

Felix Bloch, one of the great unsolved mysteries of Cold War espionage, is back in the headlines--and still driving a bus in Chapel Hill

by Jon Elliston

Bloch in a 1995 court apprearance

Remember Walter Mitty? A character in a short story by James Thurber, he made his way through a humdrum domestic life by living in various fantasy worlds. One moment he was a Navy hydroplane pilot, the next a master surgeon. For Mitty, the banal fabric of daily life provided a rich tapestry of imaginary intrigue.

In real life, some people go the other way. Consider Felix Bloch, who could be Mitty's alter-ego. For Bloch, the work-a-day world is a welcome respite from years in the spotlight. A former high-ranking diplomat, Bloch worked 32 years for the State Department before his dismissal in 1990 under a cloud of suspicion that he had spied for the KGB. Mobbed by the media wherever he went in Washington, he moved to North Carolina to start fresh.

A decade later, Bloch's career reads like a r&233;sum&233; written in reverse. In 1992, the man who had run embassies, courted prime ministers, and helped craft U.S. foreign policy walked into a Chapel Hill Harris Teeter and signed up for a job bagging groceries. ("From Envoy to Bag Boy," snickered a headline in The News & Observer.) Then he took a second job as a bus driver for Chapel Hill Transit. When a reporter asked him why he'd sought such employment, he said, "to prove that people in this country can work and eat." His response to further inquiries was simply, "I won't talk with you, now or ever."

Friends offered clues about what Bloch was up to. "He has inferred that the job was something to do to continue to function as a human being, to function with and among other human beings," reported Henry Mattox, a longtime Bloch acquaintance and fellow veteran of the foreign service. Such comments, coupled with Bloch's silence, have left the impression that it's really anybody's guess why Bloch, who has reportedly never lacked money, put on a blue collar. Shoplifting arrests in 1993 and 1994 didn't help clear up questions about his motivations.

The mercurial Mr. Bloch seeks a life out of the limelight, but publicity dogs him with the persistence of the gumshoes that once shadowed his every move. And now he's back in the news, part of the fallout from the FBI's case against one of its own counterintelligence officers. Special Agent Robert Hanssen was arrested on Feb. 18 and charged with selling secrets to the Soviet KGB and its Russian successor, the SVR. An FBI affidavit says that among his many damaging betrayals, Hanssen "disclosed to the KGB the FBI's secret investigation of Felix Bloch, a Foreign Service Officer, for espionage, which led the KGB to warn Bloch that he was under investigation, and completely compromised the investigation."

In a rare telephone interview, last week Bloch told The Independent that he has a copy of the Hanssen affidavit, provided by a friend who printed it off the FBI's Web site. "I've found it rather tough going," he said. "I've been through about page 20."

There are 80 more pages, and if Bloch keeps going to the end, he will have read what is the FBI's only public exposition of its case against him. Bloch was never charged with espionage, but the affidavit spells out much of why some government officials thought he should have been.

With another potential media storm gathering around him, Bloch wants none of it. When I called and said I was hoping against hope he could answer some questions about the Hanssen case, he answered: "I think you're hopeless. I don't think there's anything you can say or do to convince me to speak.

"I don't know if I can understand why so many people want to know about my life now," he added.

The reasons why people want to know were neatly summed up by intelligence reporter David Wise in his May 13, 1990, New York Times Magazine cover story, "The Felix Bloch Affair." "The case has everything," Wise wrote. "A media and FBI circus; an elusive Soviet agent with three identities; his mistress, an attractive widow who lives behind barbed wire in Vienna; a blond Viennese prostitute; and a high-ranking American diplomat who says he brought his stamp albums to meetings with the KGB."

The Soviet agent was Reine Gikman, Bloch's alleged KGB handler; the prostitute supposedly charged a pretty penny to indulge Bloch's supposed taste for S&M; and the guy who said he was swapping stamps--not secret documents--was Bloch.

Back then, Wise and other journalists were forced to rely on leaks from government sources who suspected Bloch but lacked conclusive evidence. The Hanssen affidavit finally puts the government's suspicions to paper.

On April 27, 1989, it says, U.S. authorities eavesdropped on a telephone call between Bloch and Gikman, a known KGB agent based in Austria. (Bloch had served at the U.S. Embassy in Vienna from 1980 to 1987.) The next day, the FBI opened a classified investigation of Bloch, who was then serving as a high-ranking Europe specialist at the State Department.

With assistance from the CIA and French intelligence, the bureau observed two meetings between Bloch and Gikman in Paris in May. At one of them, Bloch was observed passing a piece of luggage, a shoulder bag, to the KGB man.

Convinced they were onto a major espionage case, the FBI made plans for long-term surveillance in order to snare Bloch. But then, on the morning of June 22, 1989, with the FBI listening in, Bloch received a phone call from a man who said he was calling "in behalf of Pierre" who "cannot see you in the near future" because "he is sick." "Pierre," the FBI says, was one of Gikman's aliases. "A contagious disease is suspected," the caller warned Bloch. "I am worried about you. You have to take care of yourself."

The FBI "concluded that this call alerted Bloch that his association with Gikman had been compromised," according to the Hanssen affidavit. That afternoon, they confronted Bloch at his State Department office, telling him it was time to fess up to his life as a spy. Bloch declined to do so. The FBI whipped out its best evidence: surveillance photos of meetings with Gikman and the passing of the luggage. Bloch replied that he knew Gikman as a fellow stamp collector, and that the bag had merely contained display albums stuffed with stamps.

According to Bloch, the FBI then tried to bluff him, pointing to a stack of papers and claiming they had intercepted classified documents he passed to Gikman. That's not true either, Bloch insisted.

The hottest espionage case on the FBI's docket had suddenly gone cold. The investigators lacked a smoking gun to prove the spying allegations in court. During two days of questioning, the affidavit says, "Bloch denied he had engaged in espionage and ultimately declined to answer any further questions. The FBI was unable further to develop its investigation of Bloch."

In July, ABC News broke the story of the diplomat suspected of spying. What followed was a comic opera of the Washington kind--with FBI agents and reporters trailing Bloch wherever he went. An avid walker, he once led the entourage on a 22-mile trek. Bloch had little to say, other than the occasional jab at the "Fucking Bureau of Incompetents."

A federal grand jury was opened to probe Bloch's alleged crimes, but it failed to turn up anything more than circumstantial evidence. In 1990, Secretary of State James Baker fired Bloch for making "deliberate false statements or misrepresentations to the FBI," invoking a rarely used national security clause that allows the government to fire suspect employees without detailing the case against them.

Now, the FBI says, some key pieces of the Bloch puzzle have at last fallen into place. The affidavit pinpoints a date in May 1989 when Hanssen alerted the KGB that Bloch was under investigation. And it quotes a damning letter Hanssen allegedly sent to the SVR in November 2000: "Bloch was such a schnook. ... I almost hated protecting him, but then he was your friend."

Hanssen went on to speculate that Bloch would have been caught in the act of committing treason, were it not for the FBI's over-cautiousness. "If our guy sent to Paris had balls or brains, both [Bloch and Gikman] would have been dead meat. Fortunately for you he had neither. ... The French said, 'Should we take them down?' He went all wet. He'd never made a decision before, why start then. It was that close."

Having escaped arrest in Paris and indictment in Washington, Bloch might have faded into obscurity by now, were it not for the Hanssen case and other events that have thrust the bus driver back into the public eye.The shoplifting arrests, for example. Bloch had been working at Harris Teeter for less than a year when he was arrested in January 1993 for trying to take $100 worth of groceries from the store without paying. He was fired, but the charge was dropped when he agreed to pay a $60 fine and do 48 hours of community service. Then, in December 1994, Bloch walked out of a Carrboro Sav-A-Center with $21.74 worth of unbought merchandise: two pepperonis, a package of pita bread, a can of Crystal Light and two bottles of aspirin. He had little to say in court, but assured the judge that "I view this as a one-time, singular occurrence." This time the charge stuck, and Bloch received a 30-day suspended sentence and paid $100.

Through it all, Bloch kept his bus-driver job. It's one area of his life where he appears to have succeeded at achieving the anonymity he seeks. Co-workers have come to respect Bloch, and they don't pry into his scandal-laden history.

"He's a good driver, he works hard," says Mona Moore, operations superintendent for Chapel Hill Transit. "He's pretty low-key, and everybody accepts him. He just blends in well." As to the rumors about spying, Moore says, "That's all confidential, I wouldn't want to speak about that."

"That's nobody else's business, and we don't worry about it," says a Chapel Hill Transit driver who declined to give his name. "He just drives like everybody else. Felix is just Felix."

But to remain just another bus driver, Bloch will have to dodge another wave of publicity and questioning following the disclosures in the Hanssen case. So far, he says, he's been successful, ignoring the deluge of reporters' calls that have come in during the past two weeks.

"I'm sort of accustomed to people writing about me, talking about me," Bloch told The Independent. "I don't have any interest in talking off or on the record. People can write whatever they want."

He ended the two-minute interview with a paraphrase. "Greta Garbo had something to say about divulging personal details: If you do, then they're no longer personal." The secret life of Felix Bloch, it seems, will remain just that.

Old May 1st, 2011 #17
Mike Parker
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Join Date: Jul 2007
Posts: 3,311
Mike Parker

Joel Barr

Joel Barr with Alfred Sarant

Joel Barr (January 1, 1916 – August 1, 1998), also Iozef Veniaminovich Berg and Joseph Berg, was part of the Soviet Atomic Spy Ring

Born Joyel Barr in New York City to immigrant parents of Ukrainian-Jewish origin, he attended City College of New York with Julius Rosenberg, and later worked with Rosenberg and Alfred Sarant at the United States Army Signal Corps laboratories at Fort Monmouth, New Jersey during World War II. Barr was recruited into espionage by Rosenberg. In turn, he recruited Sarant and the two shared an apartment and were allowed to function as a team by their KGB Case Officer, Alexandre Feklisov. Feklisov regarded the pair as the most productive members of the group.

Both Barr and Sarant were trained and employed as electrical engineers and worked on military radar. Barr was discovered by counterintelligence to be a Communist and was fired. He and Sarant then found employment with Western Electric and worked on a highly secret radar bombsight. Barr and Sarant gave the USSR over 9,000 pages of documents detailing over 100 weapons systems.

When the war ended the two founded Sarant Laboratories, and sought defense contracts, but the company soon failed, after which the two split up. Barr worked for a while in late 1946 with Sperry Gyroscope Company on secret military radar systems, but was fired in 1947 after the United States Air Force refused him a security clearance. Barr then moved to Europe, studying engineering in Sweden and music composition in Paris with Olivier Messiaen.

Barr disappeared from his Paris apartment the day after David Greenglass was arrested, and fled to Czechoslovakia without taking his belongings. The KGB gave him a new identity; for the rest of his life Barr was known as Joseph Berg. In the summer of 1951, Barr met up with Sarant and a woman Sarant ran away with. Barr and Sarant, living under the name Philip Staros, settled in Prague, where they headed a successful effort to design the first automated anti-aircraft weapon created in the Soviet bloc, a weapon that was used with minor modifications through the 1980s.

In 1956 the two transferred to Leningrad and were put at the head of a military electronics research institute, and enjoyed the benefits of the Soviet Nomenklatura. In May 1962, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev toured their institute and agreed to their plan to establish a new city dedicated entirely to microelectronics. The city, Zelenograd, was built on the outskirts of Moscow and Sarant was named deputy director, with authority over more than 20,000 engineers and scientists. Barr and Sarant lost their positions at Zelenograd when Khrushchev was deposed, but they continued to work on military projects, including the Uzel fire-control computer that was installed in Tango and Kilo class submarines.

In 1983, a Russian émigré, Mark Kuchment, working at Harvard University's Russian Research Center, who had read The Rosenberg File, linked Barr and Sarant to two prominent Soviet scientists, both native speakers of English.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1992, Barr returned to the United States but denied his participation in espionage. He split the next six years between the U.S. and Russia, and died in 1998 in Moscow, Russia.

There are seven deciphered KGB transmissions about Joel Barr. Barr's code name in the Soviet intelligence and in deciphered Venona project transcripts was originally "Meter" (also "Metre" and "Metr"); it was later changed to "Scout" (also "Skaut"). The November 14, 1944 Venona cable also documents the successful recruitment of Ruth Greenglass.

Joel_Barr Joel_Barr
Old May 1st, 2011 #18
Mike Parker
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Join Date: Jul 2007
Posts: 3,311
Mike Parker

Theodore Alvin Hall (October 20, 1925 -- November 1, 1999) was an American physicist and an atomic spy for the Soviet Union, who, during his work on Allied effort to develop the first atomic bombs during World War II (the Manhattan Project), gave a detailed description of the "Fat Man" plutonium bomb, and of processes for purifying plutonium, to Soviet intelligence. His brother, Edward Hall was a leading rocket scientist who worked on ICBMs.
In other a good little Jew Ted Hall was concerned with only one thing other Jews. When Hitler was out of the way Jews no longer had any loyalty to the USA.
Ted Hall Jew Rosenbergs Jew Greenglass Jew Sobell Jew Morris Cohen Jew Harry Gold Jew Even as Americans were dying to save European Jews..Jews in America simply could not be loyal. Pathological hatred for the country that had given them so much was, and still is the dominant trait of Jews. Whether in the media, or Hollywood or banking they have one subconscious need. Destroy white Christian America. Of course like Hall they clothe it all in "idealism"..
Old May 1st, 2011 #19
Mike Parker
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Join Date: Jul 2007
Posts: 3,311
Mike Parker

Arnold Deutsch

Dr. Arnold Deutsch (1903-1942?), variously described as Austrian, Czech, or Hungarian, was an academic who worked as a Soviet spy, most well known for having recruited Kim Philby. Much of his life remains unknown or disputed.

Early Life

He was a cousin of Oscar Deutsch, the millionaire proprietor of the Odeon Cinemas chain. Though he claimed to an observant Jew to disguise his role as a Communist agent, Deutsch was in fact lapsed in his religious beliefs.

At the age of 24, Deutsch received with distinction his PhD in political science, from the University of Vienna [1]. He was also a sexologist, a follower of Wilhelm Reich and a member of the Sexual Politics (sex-pol) movement.[1]. His remarkable academic record opened opportunities to penetrate the highest institutions in many Western countries.

Espionage Career

At the same time, Deutsch embarked on his lifelong involvement with Communism and the Soviet Union. In the 1920's he was working for the OMS, the International Liaison Department of the Comintern. A co-worker of his there was Edith Suschitzky, whom he met at 1926 in Vienna and who would be instrumental in his later espionage career.

In 1933, Deutsch was arrested by the Nazi authorities in Germany, but was freed from custody with the help of Willi Lehmann, the highly-placed Soviet agent within the Gestapo [2].

Deutsch then travelled to Britain under his real name, so that his university credentials would be valid[3]. Upon arriving in England, Deutsch studied psychology at the graduate level at the University of London, as his cover for espionage work in England.[4]

The writer Nigel West asserts, based on the information provided in 1940 by Soviet defector Walter Krivitsky, that Deutsch had been an assistant of the Latvian-born senior Soviet spy Adam Purpis, who according to the same source was between 1931 and 1934 the NKVD Illegal Rezident {i.e. agent operating outside the embassy) in the UK.[5]

When Litzi Friedmann and Kim Philby, who had just married in Vienna, arrived in London from Vienna in 1934, Edith Suschitzky suggested to Deutsch that the NKVD should recruit Friedmann and Philby as agents.[3][6][7]

Deutsch was indeed the NKVD operative who recruited Kim Philby in Regent's Park, London, on 1 July 1934.[8] Using the code name Otto, Deutsch was the controller for the Cambridge Five spy ring from 1933 to 1937, when he was replaced by Theodore Maly.

During his time in the United Kingdom, Deutsch was given the task of evaluating an American recruit, Michael Straight, who did not impress him.[9] Deutsch's evaluation of Straight was to be borne out almost thirty years later, in 1963, when Straight decided to voluntarily inform Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., a family friend, about his communist connections from his student days at Cambridge University, a confession which led directly to the exposure of Anthony Blunt as a recruiter and member of the Cambridge Five spy ring.

In September 1937, in the midst of Stalin's widespread and deadly Moscow purge trials, Deutsch was recalled to Moscow.[10] At that time, Deutsch was at great risk of being discovered in western Europe, because of the defections of the highly-placed Soviet operatives Ignace Reiss and Walter Krivitsky; he had been familiar with some elements of their operations.[4]

Back in Moscow, Deutsch was extensively debriefed, and managed to escape execution - which, at the time, was the fate of many completely loyal Communists. He was employed as an expert on forgery and handwriting, and was not allowed to go abroad again until the early 1940s.

Fate unknown

Deutsch's final fate is uncertain. Among theories which have been proposed by various authors, Deutsch was said to have been captured and shot by the Nazis after parachuting into Austria; or as having drowned when his ship was sunk by a U-boat while en route to New York, where he was supposed to work with NKVD recruits[11].

Kim Philby's fourth and last wife, Rufina, cites the drowning story, but says that the Russian sources are divided on where Deutsch was headed when his ship, the Donbass, was sunk on its way to the United States.[12] She says that Volume 3 of the KGB History states that Deutsch's eventual destination was Latin America, but then says that Allen Weinstein and Alexander Vasilliev, citing KGB files, write, in Haunted Wood,[9] that Deutsch was headed to the New York residency to expand its operations.

Portrayal in Fiction

In the 2003 four-part BBC television drama about the Cambridge Spies, Deutsch was portrayed in the first two episodes by Marcel Iures.

Arnold_Deutsch Arnold_Deutsch

Feb 11, 2010 By Joe Owens

Double Deutsch: Coincidence or Conspiracy?

In the 1972 movie Cabaret, based on the musical by Jewish team John Kander and Fred Ebb, the English expatriate homosexual Brian Roberts (played by Michael York) is horrified when fellow residents of his boarding house explain to him the international conspiracy of Jewish Communists and bankers that they learned about in the pages of the National Socialist Völkischer Beobachter. Indignantly, he denounces them as an “international conspiracy of horses’ asses.”

There is a reason why all would-be “right-thinking” people must be programmed to dismiss such “conspiracies,” for evidence of them surfaces with such depressing regularity that people must be trained not to take notice of it.

The cooperation between Jewish Communists and Jewish capitalists is even more evident in the entertainment business. What follows is just a footnote to my article on “The Teenage Rebellion,” but it serves as a good example of the kinds of connections to which Jews wish to blind us.

While the alien-produced Teenage Rebellion was being imported from the United States to the United Kingdom, the UK branch of the tribe produced a British version of the subversive 1955 American film Blackboard Jungle. This 1961 film was called Spare the Rod.

The film portrays new teacher Max Bygraves who arrives at a tough East London school to find that his modern education methods are not welcome. Sadistic master Gregory (Geoffrey Keen) grabs the rod and thrashes pupils at the slightest sight of trouble, supported by hesitant Headmaster Jenkins (Donald Pleasance). Bygraves eventually makes good progress with the pupils but is fired after a school riot caused by Keen’s brutality.

Now what’s really interesting about this film is not its story of teenage rebellion and adult sadism, but the entertainment outlet that released it. The DVD of Spare the Rod was released by Odeon Entertainment.

I decided to look into the history of Odeon Entertainment, and I discovered that is was created in 1928 by the Jew Oscar Deutsch. Odeon publicists claim that the name of the company is an acronym for “Oscar Deutsch Entertains Our Nation.”

But Oscar Deutsch was doing more than entertaining our nation. He was subverting it too, while he and his nation profited handsomely all the while from our decline.

The picture becomes clearer when we note that Oscar Deutsch was a relative of the Soviet spy Arnold Deutsch, who was the handler of the “Cambridge Five” spy network. While Arnold was controlling Burges, Philby, Maclean, Blunt, and Cairncross, he would often pop in to see Oscar on Friday night Sabbath diners.

Oscar — who was president of his local synagogue, by the way — provided more than spiritual succor and kosher cooking for cousin Arnold. He also gave him employment, in the hope of extending his visa to spy longer in Britain (see The Mitrokhin Archive by Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, p. 103).

Oscar Deutsch died in 1941. Arnold Deutsch was dead by 1942. After Oscar’s death, his company was sold to the Rank Corporation, and eventually his brand name ended up on the DVD of Spare the Rod. Neither Deutsch could have had a hand in the production of Spare the Rod. That is not my point.

My point is simply this: Can anyone seriously believe that Oscar, the capitalist religious Jew, and Arnold, the Communist atheist Jew, did not coordinate their activities around the Sabbath table?

Is it just a coincidence that on both sides of the Atlantic, an entertainment industry dominated by Jews like Oscar Deutsch advances a leftist political agenda defined by Jews like Arnold Deutsch?

Sorry, but I don’t believe in coincidences like that. You’d have to be a horse’s ass.

Joe Owens

Joe Owens is a far-right activist in the UK and a martial arts exponent. Involved in Nationalist politics for over twenty years, he acted as personal bodyguard for BNP Chairman Nick Griffin.
Old May 1st, 2011 #20
Mike Parker
Senior Member
Join Date: Jul 2007
Posts: 3,311
Mike Parker

FBI Memorandum identifying Harry Dexter White as agent Jurist


DATE: October 16, 1950

TO: The Director
FROM: Mr. Ladd

PURPOSE: To advise you of the positive identification of agent Jurist (the cover name of a Soviet agent operating in 1944 and named by [Venona project]) as Harry Dexter White, deceased. White was formerly the Administrative Assistant to former Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau.

DETAILS: You have previously been advised of information obtained from [Venona project] regarding Jurist who was active during 1944. According to the previous information received from [Venona project] regarding Jurist, during April, 1944, he had reported on conversations between the then Secretary of State Hull and Vice President Wallace. He also reported on Wallace's proposed trip to China. On August 5, 1944, he reported to the Soviets that he was confident of President Roosevelt's victory in the coming elections unless there was a huge military failure. He also reported that Truman's nomination as Vice President was calculated to secure the vote of the conservative wing of the Democratic Party. It was also reported that Jurist was willing for any self-sacrifice in behalf of the MGB but was afraid that his activities, if exposed, might lead to a political scandal and have an effect on the elections. It was also mentioned that he would be returning to Washington, D. C., on August 17, 1944. The new information from [Venona project] indicates that Jurist and Morgenthau were to make a trip to London and Normandy and leaving the United States on August 5, 1944.

On the basis of the foregoing, the tentative identification of Harry Dexter White as Jurist appears to be conclusively established inasmuch as Morgenthau and White left the United States on a confidential trip to the Normandy beachhead on August 5, 1944, and they returned to the United States on August 17, 1944.

You may recall that Harry Dexter White was named by Whittaker Chambers in his statements as having been a source of information for Chambers in his work in Soviet espionage until Chambers broke with the Soviets in 1938. Chambers produced a handwritten memorandum that White had given him and our Laboratory established this memorandum as being in White's handwriting. The Treasury Department advised that parts of the material were highly confidential, coming to the Treasury Department from the Department of State.

In addition to the foregoing, Elizabeth T. Bentley in November, 1945, advised that she had learned through Nathan Gregory Silvermaster that White was supplying Silvermaster with information which was obtained by White in the course of his duties as Assistant to the Secretary of the of the Treasury.


There is attached hereto a blind memorandum which has been prepared for the information and assistance of setting forth this identification. There is also attached a memorandum to the Field giving them the new information from [Venona project] which establishes conclusively the identity of White as Jurist.


White, Harry Dexter (1892-1948)

American Keynesian economist and U.S. Department of Treasury official; one of the founding fathers of the post-World War II economic system, known as the Bretton Woods system, who profoundly influenced the design and development of its major institutions, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.

White was born in Boston, Massachusetts in October 1892 to a family of immigrants from Lithuania (then part of the Russian Empire.) He worked in the family hardware business and served during World War I as a First Lieutenant in the Infantry of the U. S. Army, spending some time overseas between April 1917 and February 1919. Following his return to the United States, White directed the American Expeditionary Force Orphan Asylum for two years. He received his B.A. in 1924 and his M.A. in 1925 from Stanford University, and his Ph.D. in 1930 from Harvard University. He then served as Professor of Economics at Laurence College in Appleton, Wisconsin. He was also an instructor in Economics at Harvard University.

In June 1934, White received an invitation from Professor Jacob Vinter of the University of Chicago to join him on an assignment at the U.S. Treasury Department in Washington, D.C. He was employed in the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury as an economic analyst from June to October 4, 1934. On November 1 of that year, he became a principal economic analyst in the Treasury Department’s Division of Research and Statistics. This was the beginning of his career at the Department, where he would eventually become an Assistant Secretary.

In the 1930s, White was an early advocate of restoring international monetary stability, which he saw as indispensable for the recovery of the American economy from the Great Depression. In 1935, he was sent to England to study economic and monetary questions. While there, he met with John Maynard Keynes, the father of Keynesian economics, and other prominent British economists, from whom, according to IMF historian James M. Boughton, he “gained a sense of the importance of Anglo-American cooperation in monetary affairs.” 1

In October 1936, White became assistant director of the U. S. Treasury Department’s Division of Research and Statistics, serving in that capacity until March 25, 1938, when he became director of the Division of Monetary Research. On August 5, 1941, he was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, in charge of the Division of Monetary Research. With the United States’s entry into World War II in December 1941, Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau put White in charge of all international matters for the Treasury Department.

White was also entrusted with the management of the U. S. Treasury’s $2 billion stabilization fund. He represented the Treasury on the Economic Defense Board, was a trustee of the Export-Import Bank in Washington, D.C. and was a member of the government’s Committee for Reciprocity Information, which was involved in reciprocal trade agreements with foreign countries. In 1943, White accompanied Secretary Morgenthau on a trip to Italy and North Africa.

As the chief international economist at the U.S. Treasury, White drafted the U.S. blueprint for the International Monetary Fund, which competed with the plan drafted by Keynes for the British Treasury. During the United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference that took place from July 1 to July 22, 1944 at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, he was the chief technical expert for the United States Government and delivered the daily press summary of the committee meetings. According to Boughton, “the final compromise on the IMF adopted at Bretton Woods retained much of the flavor of the White plan: it defined the IMF not as a world central bank but as a promoter of economic growth through international trade and financial stability.” 2

In September 1944, White was instrumental in drawing up the Morgenthau Plan for the treatment of Germany following World War II. He was also involved in developing Secretary Morgenthau’s postwar monetary proposals. 3

After the war, White was involved with setting up the institutions of the Bretton Woods system – the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank – which were designed to avoid the mistakes that had led to the Great Depression of the 1930s and to ensure the position of capitalism as the dominant post-war economic system. When the IMF began operating in 1946, President Harry S. Truman named White as its first U.S. Executive Director. White played a highly influential role during the IMF’s first year, before resigning in March 1947.

An important element in White’s post-war economic planning was his idea of international cooperation. As he wrote in 1942, “It would seem to be an important step in the direction of world stability if a member government could obtain the full cooperation of other member governments in the control of capital flows.” 4 White’s strong belief in the need for international cooperation to ensure global prosperity led him to take a strong position in favor of involving the Soviet Union in post-war economic institutions, particularly the IMF – despite the fact that the Soviet economic system was opposed to open trade and finance. Since 1942, White had taken a strong position in favor of engaging the Soviet Union, first in post-war economic planning, and then in the Bretton Woods institutions.

According to the late Professor Ray Mikesell, who became White’s adviser toward the end of World War II, and had been a member of the U.S. economists’ team at the Bretton Woods Conference, “White believed that the U.S. government should have sought closer cooperation with the Russians” – and “he was… quite willing to deal with Communist officials to achieve his objectives. The Soviet Union shared his political objectives regarding postwar Germany, and he believed that Soviet officials would support the Fund and the Bank proposals. He did not share the pervasive fear that the Communist ideology would spread to the rest of the world, or that the Soviet Union might dominate the world by military conquest. He believed that a Communist state could operate under a system of nondiscriminatory trade rules, abiding by the trade and exchange obligations of his plan.” Moreover, “through certain members of his staff, he provided information to and discussed policy with Soviet embassy officials.” 5

White’s plans were frustrated when the Soviet Union refused to join the IMF in late 1945. In a paper that he was writing before his death in August 1948, he lamented the “tensions between certain of the major powers” that had led to “almost catastrophic” consequences, including an “acute lack of confidence in continued political stability and the crippling fear of war on a scale unprecedented and almost unimaginable in its destructive potentialities.” 6

White’s activist engagement with the Soviets backfired in the mid-1940s after two defectors from the Communist cause, Whittaker Chambers and Elizabeth Bentley, independently accused him of providing information destined for Soviet intelligence. Beginning on November 8, 1945, the FBI sent a succession of reports to the White House and a number of government agencies naming White at the top of its list of individuals within government agencies suspected of espionage for the Soviet Union. 7

On July 31, 1948, Bentley said in her testimony to the House Committee on Un-American Activities that White had provided information for the Soviet Union during World War II. On August 3, 1948, Chambers testified before HUAC regarding his association with White in the 1930s. On August 13, 1948, White testified before HUAC to refute Bentley’s and Chambers’s accusations. Three days later, he died of a heart attack at the age of 55. On November 17, 1948, Chambers produced what became known as the Baltimore Documents – a batch of mostly typewritten summaries or verbatim copies of State Department documents which included five handwritten notes. One of these notes was identified as having been written by White in early 1938.

The release in 1995 and 1996 of Venona documentation – Soviet intelligence cables partially decrypted in the course of an American counterintelligence operation code-named Venona – has bolstered the early Cold War accusations against White, who was identified by Venona translators as a Soviet source code-named “Jurist” and “Richard.” In 1997, the bipartisan Commission on Government Secrecy, chaired by Democratic Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, stated in its findings that the complicity of Harry Dexter White seemed to be established. 8

Further evidence of White’s “complicity” emerged from exclusive access to KGB foreign intelligence archives provided in the early 1990s to a journalist and former KGB operative named Alexander Vassiliev, for a book undertaken as part of a joint Russian-American publishing project. (Later, after the original American publishers had withdrawn from the project, Vassiliev’s research would become the basis for a book named The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America – The Stalin Era (1999), which he co-authored with Allen Weinstein.

To see how these accusations stand when crosschecked against documentation from Russian archives:

Click here to read “Harry Dexter White in Alexander Vassiliev’s Notes” dossier

Watch for alerts on this website to see more fascinating documentation from Russian archives.


Harry_Dexter_White Harry_Dexter_White

dual loyalty, every jew a spy, jewish spies


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