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Old October 2nd, 2016 #81
Alex Him
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Interview with the RTR television channel



August 23, 2000 - 00:00 - Moscow





Question:

Mr Putin, today is a tragic day for the whole country. We are mourning those who were on board the Kursk submarine which now lies on the bottom of the Barents Sea.

Yesterday you went to Vidyayevo to meet with the members of the families, the relatives of the Kursk crew. And surely they have asked you questions.

Questions will also arise in society. Why wasn’t it announced as soon as it happened? Will it be an open investigation, will society at large know about it?

You visited the home of the widow – though I shudder to utter this word – of the captain of the submarine, Gennady Lyachin. You have seen how these people live, you have seen the staircase, you have seen the flat.

And another question that is of concern to everyone has to do with foreign help.



Vladimir Putin:

What can I say?… First of all about the meeting you have mentioned. What can one say? … No words can be adequate. Words fail me. One feels like wailing.

Someone said during the meeting yesterday: ‘You assumed office very recently, just a little over a hundred days ago. But you have assumed a burden and you must carry it.’ That person was right. So, even though I have been occupying the Kremlin office for a little over a hundred days, I still feel fully responsible for this tragedy and I have a great sense of guilt.

You know, what is distressing is that, as has often happened here in recent times, attempts are being made to profit from this tragedy. I would say that some people try to get political dividends out of it or further the interests of certain groups. And some people have rightly noted that the people who have spoken the loudest in defence of the seamen are precisely the people who have for a long time presided over the dissolution of the Army, the Navy and the State. Some of them have even managed to amass millions, a little bit here and a little bit there. They would do much better to sell their villas on the Mediterranean coast of France and Spain. But then they would have to explain why all this property has been registered in other people’s and companies’ names. And we would ask where that money came from. But let God be their judge.

Of course, we should think about the seamen and their families. We should think about the future of the Army and the Navy. And without any doubt we should draw conclusions. You know, the relatives in Vidyayevo yesterday and again today, many prominent and experienced people who have been in politics for many years, told me that I should display strong will. I should fire someone or better still, send someone to jail. That would be the easiest way out of the situation for me. But in my opinion, it would be the worst way out. Such things have happened many times before. Unfortunately, it does not change the substance. If somebody is to blame, then they should be punished, without any doubt. But we must get an objective picture of the causes of the tragedy and the course of the rescue work. Only then can we draw any conclusions.

As of today I can tell you the following: the day before yesterday Defence Minister Igor Sergeyev, and yesterday the Commander of the Navy and Commander of the Northern Fleet, handed in their resignations. I will not endorse their resignations. I will not do so until it is fully clear what has happened, what the causes are and whether anyone is to blame. I mean, people who are really guilty, and not just victims of a tragic set of circumstances. There will be no sweeping reprisals on an impulse or due to circumstances. I will be with the Army, with the Navy and with the whole people. And together we will restore the Army, the Navy and the nation. I have no doubt about it.

I am very saddened to hear something that has been said frequently in the past few days, that the honour of the Navy, the pride of Russia, has sunk together with the Kursk. Our country has lived through even worse times. We and our ancestors have faced even more terrible disasters. We have survived everything. Russia has always had a future. Today we are living through a very traumatic experience. But I am absolutely sure that events of this kind should unite society and the people and not divide them. I am sure that together we will not only overcome the consequences of the tragedies and disasters of recent years – natural, social and man-made. We will overcome everything and restore the Army, the Navy and our state.



Question:

Mr Putin, during the meeting at Vidyayevo yesterday you talked not only with the wives. You also talked with the Navy men whose comrades are now lying under the Barents Sea. As President, were you able to explain the tragedy to them? Did they trust you? Did they feel that you were telling them the truth and were not holding anything back?



Vladimir Putin:

You know, the relatives of the Kursk crew are worthy of their husbands, brothers and sons. They are brave people. They are showing great courage in the face of the tragedy that we all feel so deeply. I wouldn’t wish anyone to experience what they are experiencing now. And yet I had the impression that we understood each other. It is hard for them to believe that the Government was powerless in the early days. But there were and still are many experts, many people who have long worked with the Navy. They of course understood what was happening and what is happening. One of the problems that has been mooted from the beginning was making information available promptly, to be followed by a prompt start of rescue work. And, of course, the question that you have asked about inviting foreign specialists.

Let us review the chronology. Communication with the submarine was lost at 23:30 on the 12th. From that moment on it was declared missing. In such situations up to seven days are allocated for the search mission. The submarine was located at 4:00 on the 13th. The Defence Minister reported to me at 7:00 in the morning. What did the military know by that time?

First, that communication had been lost with the submarine. Second, that it was lying at the bottom of the sea. And third, that contact had been established with the help of the technical means available to the Navy. That was all they knew. It was a naval exercise. What was there to announce at that moment? One might of course have announced that communication had been lost with the submarine. It was an emergency, but such things happen. One may of course argue and criticise. But I wouldn’t condemn the military for this. When it became clear that the situation was critical, the media reported it immediately on August 14th. But rescue work got underway immediately after communication was lost. I repeat, immediately after communication was lost. The fact that the submarine was located within four and a half hours shows that rescue work had begun.

Now, as regards the issue whether the military had the resources and assets for the rescue work. I think I should dwell on it. The submarine was designed in the mid-1980s, the design was completed at the end of the 1980s, and it envisaged that the submarine was to be built together with rescue vessels, mini-submarines, and they have been used by our Navy. They were in good condition, they were at the disposal of the Navy and they were used. The Navy counted on them. When the Defence Minister reported to me that they had all the necessary resources, he was telling the truth. That was how the submarine was designed.

If you look at the way the situation with the use of foreign assistance developed, the first official offer of help came on the 15th. And the Navy immediately agreed to it. They started to coordinate the technical parameters and discuss the organisation of joint efforts. As we know, the Norwegian divers opened the hatch of the submarine on the sixth day. On the sixth day. Sad though it may be, but it means that even if we had asked for help on the 13th we would still have had to wait throughout the 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th, and 18th. You see what I mean.

Let me stress that the Norwegian divers are not military divers. They work for a private company used on offshore oil rigs. I am sure that if our oil companies start to develop the continental shelf they too will have such divers.

The question is, why didn’t the Navy have divers? This is the fundamental and the most important question. The answer is basically clear. I don’t think it was a smart decision, to put it mildly, but the answer is that the designers thought that the rescue means built simultaneously with the submarine would have been sufficient. And anyway, even with the use of divers it is impossible to rescue people without diving bells. That is clear. Obviously, just opening the hatch would have destroyed all living beings inside the submarine. So nothing could be done without a diving bell. All this warrants the conclusion that a sweeping accusation of the military’s incompetence and delayed reporting and so on are ungrounded. These accusations are unfair. But this is not to say – I repeat – that we should not examine deeply and thoroughly the causes of the tragedy and how the situation developed. This will of course be done by a technical commission, the Prosecutor General’s Office and the Federal Security service, which will provide operational support of the criminal case investigation.



Question:

Mr Putin, you were in the home of Gennady Lyachin, the Kursk commander. And you had a conversation there. It wouldn’t be proper to ask you about the details… you have seen it all… You probably walked through the streets of the seamen’s town…



Vladimir Putin:

I’ll tell you this: of course I walked in the streets of the town and visited the flat.

First, I have myself lived in such flats. There was nothing shocking or surprising for me. It is deplorable, absolutely deplorable that our military, the elite of the Armed Forces, the elite of the Navy, live in such conditions. But if you think it came as a revelation to me, you are mistaken. The question is how to put an end to this humiliating situation.



Question:

It is humiliating…



Vladimir Putin:

Of course, it is. There can only be one answer: our Armed Forces should match the needs, on the one hand, and the potential of the state on the other. The Army must be lean, but modern and well-paid. That of course takes some time, but this was precisely the subject of discussion at the recent meeting of the Security Council: the number of parameters of the Army and Navy, their armaments and the living standards of the servicemen, and the cash flows within the Defence Ministry. This was the subject of discussion at the Security Council meeting. And I think that we have grounds for hoping that when the recent decisions of the Security Council are carried out we will meet the targets they set.



Question:

So the officers, the core personnel have some hope, Mr Putin?



Vladimir Putin:

Hope springs eternal. But what we need is not hopes and promises. We need practical actions so that people feel the difference. We should stop talking and start acting. We have been discussing military reform for at least eight years and perhaps even ten years. Unfortunately, little has changed. I very much hope that we will manage to move forward, without any spurts, we cannot afford that because we cannot tolerate a sudden collapse of our defence capability and we should follow the laws about the social security of servicemen. To some extent we are hamstrung by these legal frameworks, but we have to comply with them. We will move in the direction I have indicated.



Question:

Mr Putin, while in Vidyayevo and on board the Peter the Great cruiser in Murmansk we heard one and the same question: what will the Government do with the submarine? Will it lift it and pay the last respects to the victims? Will the crew be lifted and will the relatives be able to leave Vidyayevo?



Vladimir Putin:

We will try to remove all of our Navy men from the submarine and bring them ashore. Various technical suggestions have been made and it is up to the experts to make the final decision. The most simple and effective way is to cut the body of the submarine. These issues are now being discussed, the issues of lifting the submarine and towing it to shallow water. Various options are open, and we are working on them with our specialists and our foreign partners.

By the way, I would like to take this opportunity and thank the heads of foreign states and foreign citizens for their assistance and for the condolences that are still pouring into Russia.

But it has turned out that our main partners today – the Norwegians – are unable to solve the problem single-handed. As the Foreign Minister told me today, they will get some additional equipment from the Dutch. So, in any case the submarine will either be lifted or divers will enter it through holes that will have to be made in its body, and in any case it will be an international project.



Question:

And will it be followed through?



Vladimir Putin:

By all means.



Question:

Thank you very much.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/21531
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #82
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Some fresh news last week:





Meeting with representatives of the Orenburg Region business community



October 3, 2016 - 20:15 - Orenburg





President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Good evening, colleagues,

As you know, tomorrow a regular, essentially traditional meeting between regions of Russia and Kazakhstan will take place in Astana. Being here in Orenburg, I would certainly like to meet with people who are doing this work on the practical level.

It is important to note that these meetings are almost always constructive, substantive and detail-oriented. However, it goes without saying that I’m interested in hearing from you. After all, you share a long border with Kazakhstan and surely there are some joint projects, joint activities. Or, if there are none, why is that?

If you see that some things need support at the government level, the level of governments in both countries, at the interstate level, please tell me about that. Or, conversely, if you see some problems that are hindering the development of cooperation and must be taken care of, I would also ask you to tell me about that today.

The second part, and maybe it is the main one in importance – I would like to hear about your dealings with administrative bodies and whether the efforts taken by the Government to support business – small- and medium-sized, as well as business in general – trickle down to you; whether there are corresponding support programmes in Orenburg, how they work and what your relations are with administrative agencies, I mean antimonopoly and tax agencies, as well as various oversight bodies.

Generally, it would be very interesting and useful for me to hear directly from you about your practical work and life.

That actually concludes my opening remarks. Let us simply begin our meeting. Yes, you can see my colleagues from the Government on the left and on the right: the Minister of Industry, the Minister of Economic Development, and the Finance Minister. We are all at your disposal and we will listen to you very attentively.

This is an absolutely informal meeting; it is not some kind of prearranged and staged formality. I would very much like this to be a lively conversation.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53012






Meeting with Foreign Intelligence Service staff



Vladimir Putin visited the Foreign Intelligence Service headquarters, where he met with the staff and officially introduced the new Head of the Foreign Intelligence Service, Sergei Naryshkin.



October 5, 2016 - 13:40 - Moscow





President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Good afternoon, colleagues.

Our meeting today is for a special reason. Today Mr Fradkov is handing over his duties to the new Head of the Foreign Intelligence Service, Mr Sergei Naryshkin.

First, I would like to thank Mr Fradkov for many years of productive service. He was appointed Head of the Foreign Intelligence Service in 2007, when he already had significant experience in public service, including as Prime Minister.

Under his leadership, the Service made several huge steps forward. Its structure was upgraded and expanded with new departments. The Service’s authority with our partners and allies has substantially increased.

The Foreign Intelligence Service responded with promptness and flexibility to changes in the international climate and provided active assistance in identifying and eliminating terrorist and other threats to national security.

I would like to note that in difficult situations, Mikhail Fradkov invariably displayed self-control and extraordinary intuition, wisdom and, when necessary, caution and determination.

Thank you again for your service to Russia. I wish you success in your future work.

I would like to announce that Mr Fradkov has been awarded the Order of St George IV degree.

Colleagues,

I would like to introduce the new Head of the Foreign Intelligence Service, Sergei Naryshkin.

You all know that Mr Naryshkin proved his competence both in intelligence and in politics. To a certain extent, Mr Naryshkin is coming home. For many years, he worked in the Government and headed the Executive Office and, as you know, his most recent post was State Duma Speaker. Mr Naryshkin has always demonstrated professionalism, reliability and a serious approach to any task.

I hope that Mr Naryshkin will use all his expertise and general knowledge to be efficient and bring the Service’s operation to a higher level.

The current situation in the world makes new demands on the quality of foreign intelligence. We must be able to stay ahead, use unconventional and unconventional solutions.

As before, it is important to reveal and analyse the entire scope of external threats to our country, determine the main strategic trends in the development of the international situation, contribute to Russia’s stronger economic, technological and defence potential.

Naturally, the security of our nationals abroad must remain under special control, particularly, in the Middle East, Africa and some Central Asian countries.

I believe that Sergei Naryshkin, who is now taking over the torch of leadership at the Foreign Intelligence Service, will do his best, use all his knowledge and experience to find a successful solution to the tasks at hand.

I wish the new Head of the Foreign Intelligence Service and its staff success in the important work of protecting the security and interests of the Fatherland.

Thank you.




The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53030






Meeting with Anton Alikhanov



Vladimir Putin met with Anton Alikhanov and announced his decision to appoint Mr Alikhanov Acting Governor of Kaliningrad Region.



October 6, 2016 - 15:45 - The Kremlin, Moscow





President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Mr Alikhanov, you are probably aware that Acting Governor of Kaliningrad Region Yevgeny Zinichev has asked to return to Moscow for family reasons. In this situation, I can but fulfil his request.

You are currently head of the region’s government. You are young but already have sufficient experience and a good load of knowledge. You were a department head at the Ministry of Industry and Trade here in Moscow, worked in the federal government, and have headed Kaliningrad Region’s government for more than 18 months now.

I appoint you Acting Governor of Kaliningrad Region and I hope that you will do everything possible to ensure that this region of strategic importance for our country continues developing at the required pace.

You were one of the authors of the medium-term strategic development plan currently being prepared for the region. You must work with the Government to complete this effort and implement the relevant decisions. This alone is not enough though and you will need to make an energetic effort to develop and implement this strategic development plan in the region.



Anton Alikhanov:

Thank you very much, Mr President, for your trust.

We in the Kaliningrad Region Government will do our utmost and I will personally do all I can to carry out your instructions in full.

The time I have spent in Kaliningrad has already given me a general idea of the main problems there. And as you rightly observed, there is already an understanding of how these problems should be dealt with. We will move forward together with our colleagues from the Federal Government. I hope that all the tasks will be fulfilled in the near future.



Vladimir Putin:

There is a whole year before September 2017, the next election campaign. During this time, you will need to demonstrate your work and depending on that, decide whether or not to run in the election campaign. However, I hope that you will work efficiently, at full capacity.



Anton Alikhanov:

Thank you for your support, Mr President.



Vladimir Putin:

What do you see as a priority for Kaliningrad and the Kaliningrad Region today?



Anton Alikhanov:

Mr President, as you said, the drafting of a law, a package of amendments on the socio-economic development of Kaliningrad Region is entering its final stages. We are actively collaborating with our colleagues from the Ministry of Economic Development, and before the end of the year we will submit everything to the Government and in the first quarter of next year, I hope, all of this will be in parliament and will then be submitted to you as a federal law to be signed. This is probably one of the main priorities.

Of course, the region’s access to the transport system is very important, including ferry services and subsidised airfares.

Naturally, there is energy security. Mr Kozak [Deputy Prime Minister] recently chaired a corresponding meeting concerning, among other things, the construction of new generating capacity in the region. Another priority of course is natural gas supply to the region. However, we can see no problems there, as we are moving forward in line with the course that has been set. There is a little lag but it is insignificant and all directives will be carried out in time.

Then, of course, we have the 2018 World Cup. There were some difficulties with regard to the stadium but they were successfully resolved. We are a little behind on the construction of a runway, its modernisation, and the air terminal. I hope that we will be able to address this with you separately.



Vladimir Putin:

Of course.

The draft federal law regulating the special regime for entrepreneurial activity in Kaliningrad Region should be finalised. It is a broad-range document. All positions that have not been coordinated yet – and there are practically none left: trifles, as the Minister of Economic Development told me – should be coordinated, and it should be submitted to the State Duma.



Anton Alikhanov:

Very well. Will do.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53047
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #83
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Meeting with President of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev



October 4, 2016 - 10:30 - Astana





President of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev:

Mr Putin, I am very happy to see you here. Thank you for your visit.

To begin with, I must sincerely congratulate you once again on the good results of the State Duma elections and the regional elections. I believe this is a major victory for you, for Russia, for its stable development. It is very important in this difficult time, and you have done brilliantly. This speaks to the President’s influence and the popularity of the course you are pursuing.

We are meeting for the eighth time this year, and as usual, this meeting is very important. As we agreed in Sochi, our governments have done a good job. I would like to thank [Russian Deputy Prime Minister] Mr Shuvalov, as well as members of the Kazakh Government. As many as 900 business leaders on both sides will meet today after visiting EXPO, and they are expected to sign around 40 joint agreements.

After that, we will gather for our usual inter-regional meeting. All the governors are here, they are looking around and talking; some major agreements have already been reached.

All of the above will reconfirm our close relationship, the great trust and alliance created thanks to your support.

I am sincerely grateful to you, because I see how busy you have been. You could relax a little now that the elections are over, but no, you had a meeting in Orenburg again yesterday. I think it is already time for everyone to get to work. Why delay?



President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Mr Nazarbayev, thank you very much for the invitation.

The relations between Russia and Kazakhstan certainly have the qualities of an alliance and a strategic partnership. We are cooperating in nearly every area.

Indeed, we know that there are problems caused by objective circumstances. Even bearing in mind the objective nature of the circumstances that lead to a small change in our trade and economic turnover, we have to respond to it, to look for options to neutralise these negative developments. One of them is your initiative to organise a business forum with 900 participants, 400 of whom came from Russia.



Nursultan Nazarbayev:

Yes, 400 people.



Vladimir Putin:

This is an impressive delegation.

Since you asked, yesterday I met with people in Orenburg who work on the ground; representatives of small, medium and large businesses who work directly with Kazakhstan. You know, I was glad to hear that there are issues that could be resolved at our level, too.



Nursultan Nazarbayev:

As always.



Vladimir Putin:

But life goes on and advances very fast. We have mutual interests. Our companies deliver their products to Kazakhstan and order Kazakh products, including hi-tech solutions, which I was very glad to hear. In this regard, I would like to note that the subject of our meeting today, development of the transport and logistics infrastructure, is extremely important for creating favourable conditions for economic development. Let’s not forget that border and interregional trade and interregional cooperation accounts for 70 percent of the entire trade turnover.

I am sure the events planned for today will be very fruitful.



Nursultan Nazarbayev:

Yes, logistics and transport connections are very important for the Eurasian Economic Union. We are very well prepared and the discussion will be productive. (Addressing First Deputy Prime Minister of Kazakhstan Askar Mamin) Do you agree?



Askar Mamin:

Of course.



Nursultan Nazarbayev:

Mr Mamin started all this. Now he is First Prime Minister. All our colleagues here and Mr Shuvalov have known him for a long times, including all railway officials involved in the establishment of the first Russia-Kazakhstan logistics company.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53016






Telephone conversation with President of Tajikistan Emomali Rahmon



Vladimir Putin had a telephone conversation with President of Tajikistan, during which he congratulated Emomali Rahmon on his birthday.



October 5, 2016 - 12:00



Earlier today, the Russian President sent birthday greetings to Emomali Rahmon.





The message reads, in part:

“Over the many years as President, you have earned respect and recognition among your citizens and abroad. Under your leadership, the people of Tajikistan have made significant progress in resolving topical issues of socioeconomic development, ensuring peace and accord in the country.

It is difficult to overstate your contribution to strengthening the strategic partnership and alliance between our states, as well as productive multifaceted cooperation within the CIS and the CSTO. I would like to confirm my readiness to continue our constructive dialogue and cooperation for the further expansion of the entire scope of Russia-Tajikistan relations.”





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53026






Telephone conversation with President of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdogan



Vladimir Putin spoke over the phone with President of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdogan at the initiative of the Turkish side.



October 5, 2016 - 19:45





In the context of the upcoming one-on-one meeting at the World Energy Congress (Istanbul, October 10), the two leaders exchanged opinions on topical issues of Russian-Turkish cooperation. They noted their interest in the continued gradual restoration of trade and economic ties and the implementation of major joint projects in the energy sphere, in particular building Turkey’s first nuclear power plant, the Akkuyu NPP, and the Turkish Stream natural gas pipeline.

The presidents also addressed the Syria crisis. They underscored the need to step up international efforts to facilitate the peaceful political process in the country and create conditions to deescalate the situation and resolve pressing humanitarian issues.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53039






Meeting with Prince Albert II of Monaco



Vladimir Putin met at the Kremlin with Prince Albert II of Monaco, who is in Russia for the Days of Monaco cultural event.



October 6, 2016 - 13:00 - The Kremlin, Moscow





President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Your Highness, colleagues, let me welcome you to the Moscow Kremlin.

It makes me very happy that we started your visit with an important event, the opening of an exhibition dedicated to the ties between Monaco and Russia. We have seen with our own eyes just how far back these ties go and how constructively our relations developed.

I am very pleased that today our relations are also developing in just as consistent and positive a spirit.

We are very pleased to see you. Welcome!



Ruling Prince of Monaco Albert II (retranslated):

Mr President, Your Excellency, colleagues,

I personally and my delegation are very pleased to have this chance to see you and to be here in Moscow to mark the 10th anniversary of the restoration of our diplomatic ties.

It was with great pleasure that we opened this marvellous exhibition that, as I said, illustrates wonderfully all the layers of history in the relations between our two countries’ ruling houses. The exhibition is a wonderful way to bring the past alive while at the same time directing us to the future.

Now, 10 years after our countries restored their diplomatic relations, it is with great pleasure that I note the excellent level of cooperation between Russia and Monaco in a wide range of areas. I am sure that Moscow shares this vision and shares the desire to further develop our cooperation.



Vladimir Putin:

Thank you.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53044






Telephone conversation with President of Finland Sauli Niinisto



Vladimir Putin had a telephone conversation with President of Finland Sauli Niinisto.



October 6, 2016 - 15:20





The two leaders discussed topical issues of the further development of Russian-Finnish relations, including forthcoming contacts at different levels.

They also exchanged opinions on the crises in Syria and Ukraine.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53046
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #84
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Russia-Kazakhstan Business Forum



Vladimir Putin and Nursultan Nazarbayev attended the Russia-Kazakhstan Business Forum organised as part of the 13th Russia-Kazakhstan Interregional Cooperation Forum.



October 4, 2016 - 12:30 - Astana





President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Mr Nazarbayev, ladies and gentlemen,

First of all, I would like to say that it is always a pleasure to visit Astana because every time I can see how fast Kazakhstan’s capital is developing and how it is becoming more beautiful and interesting. We can see it, among other things, from the conditions in which we work today.

I would like to note that it was President Nursultan Nazarbayev’s initiative to hold this meeting. Despite the fact that there are many similar forums in Russia, Europe and the world, this meeting of Russian and Kazakhstani partners is, I believe, very important and may become a good tradition.

It should be noted that today in this hall we have heads of the largest companies, representatives of small and medium-sized businesses – everybody who is directly involved in our bilateral cooperation and trade and investment relations; who keeps their fingers on the pulse of the Eurasian economic integration.

As you know, today we had several sessions on expanding exports of non-primary products, eliminating administrative and infrastructure barriers for trade; development of a common transport and logistics infrastructure for the two countries.

There were many business-related talks, following which a substantial package of documents was signed or prepared for signing.

For Russia, Kazakhstan is a strategic partner and ally. Our cooperation has many aspects and covers numerous areas. It is gradually developing in all directions.

We enjoy a truly high level of bilateral trade and investment ties. Kazakhstan holds $9 billion of the Russian capital and has invested $3 billion in the Russian economy. Together, we created 6,000 companies and work alongside each other in almost all sectors of economy.

Last year alone, 150 delegations of Russian business people visited Kazakhstan.

We have joint projects in mining, machine engineering, shipbuilding, chemical production and agriculture.

Kazakhstan is Russia’s second largest trade partner within the CIS, which means there is still room for advancement.

In 2015, trade turnover totalled $15.5 billion. Yes, indeed, as the President of Kazakhstan noted today, trade has unfortunately declined, mainly due to various market factors, especially the continuing instability on global markets, exchange rate fluctuations and the high volatility of raw material prices. These are the obvious objective variables.

But even under such difficult conditions, we will continue to make efforts to restore bilateral trade growth with the help of both countries’ business communities. We will continue to promote the convergence of our economies, to create an environment that is conducive to launching new projects.

Russia and Kazakhstan have already achieved a lot in trade liberalisation. Together with other partners in the Eurasian Economic Union, we continue to eliminate restrictions that can obstruct the movement of goods, services, capital and the workforce; but there are more to deal with.

I just mentioned to Mr Nazarbayev that yesterday I met with Russian business representatives in Orenburg; the governor is also here. There seem to be things that we thought had long since been eliminated – I am referring to infrastructure issues that are essential for the movement of most goods, services and capital, the basic things related to the border crossing. You would think there is no border, but it still exists, along with the resulting impediments, including infrastructure problems.

Mr Nazarbayev knows, and we discussed this today during the meeting in restricted format: the road has been built on the Kazakhstan side, but unfortunately, not on the Russian side. The checkpoints are still bottlenecks and do not work the way they should, at full capacity. We need to discuss all of these issues and deal with them together.

We are implementing a programme of industrial and technical cooperation. Russia has started the process of coordinating the sectoral legislation. We are trying to simplify administrative procedures, create a common market with Kazakhstan for vehicle, rail, air and sea transport services.

We intend to provide significant financial support to joint Russian-Kazakh business initiatives, not only through national institutions like Russia’s Vnesheconombank and the Russian Industry Development Fund, but also through multilateral institutions, including the Eurasian Development Bank.

Mr Nazarbayev talked about recent progress in Kazakhstan. I would like to say a few words about what we have achieved in Russia.

Just like Kazakhstan, Russia continues to improve its business climate. We are also trying to attract more foreign investment and create a comfortable environment for foreign companies, including Kazakhstani companies, and reduce the tax and administrative burden. This year, we have introduced inspection exemptions for small businesses, in addition to the current four-year moratorium (until 2018) on tax increase.

We are taking measures to modernise industrial production and agriculture, to expand import replacement and local production. Kazakhstan has good opportunities there and it is using them. The range of products we could import in larger volumes is indeed growing.

As I said, we are modernising industrial production. Export companies receive direct support from the state. Russian Export Centre offers assistance with promoting competitive products in external markets. We expect that this year, this support will reach 200 companies, with reserved funds of up to $8 billion. We have launched a regional business climate ranking that helps investors choose the most attractive regions for capital investment.

The Russian Corporation for the Development of Small and Medium-Sized Businesses has launched a free electronic business navigator, which contains information on good options for opening a business in Russia, what products and services are in demand; what financial and property assistance is available to start-ups.

New prospects for joint projects launched in the country open opportunities for programmes of priority development, including in the Ural region, an area close to Kazakhstan. These programmes started last September. This region bordering Kazakhstan has a long tradition of close bilateral cooperation with the country and Kazakhstani business could be one of the first foreign investors to take advantage of this special economic zone.

Finally, I would like to stress that Russia intends to continue close relations with Kazakhstan and Kazakhstani partners. I am certain that by working together and with a purpose to develop national economies of the two countries and improve the quality of life of our citizens, we can succeed, without doubt.

Thank you very much.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53017






Russia-Kazakhstan Interregional Cooperation Forum



Vladimir Putin and Nursultan Nazarbayev attended the 13th Russia-Kazakhstan Interregional Cooperation Forum.



October 4, 2016 - 14:30 - Astana





President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Mr Nazarbayev, colleagues,

The development of our multifaceted trade and investment relations with the Republic of Kazakhstan is one of Russia’s priorities.

Our countries’ economies are closely interconnected. We are working jointly to implement large projects in industry, energy and agriculture and to strengthen technological cooperation and our common transport infrastructure.

The constituent entities of the Russian Federation and the akimats (regions) of the Republic of Kazakhstan are playing an active role in promoting bilateral cooperation.

A large Russian delegation has come to the forum in Astana, as Mr Nazarbayev noted and as I mentioned at the beginning of our meetings today. It has over 400 members, including the heads of federal agencies and 12 regions, business people, researchers and experts.

We have had numerous contacts and talks with our Kazakh partners, after which we have signed or will sign important bilateral agreements and commercial contracts. Their implementation will make cooperation between our regions even more practical.

We have supported Mr Nazarbayev’s initiative and have held a forum of business leaders from our countries as part of the 13th Russia-Kazakhstan Interregional Cooperation Forum today. I believe we share the opinion that we should continue combining regional and business forums in future.

We consider it important that this forum is devoted to an urgent issue – the development of the transport services market. Russia and Kazakhstan are at the crossroads of a major trade route between Europe and Asia. We have a common customs border, well developed railway and road systems, and we can ensure high security transport.

However, we are not using this large system to its potential. To make the most of it, we need to work together on our transport infrastructure and coordinate the rules for transport and logistics services.

Naturally, such ambitious objectives require huge resources; but the investment is bound to pay off. The construction of high volume transport corridors will provide conditions for rapid economic growth, create new development potential for the regions, enhance investment appeal, intensify inter-regional cooperation and create new jobs.

I would like to note that Russia and Kazakhstan have already successfully joined quite a few international transport and corridor projects, for example, the new road between Europe and western China. This road will reduce the freight shipping times between China and Europe to ten days.

The establishment of a united transport and logistics company with Russian Railways, and Kazakh and Belarusian railways will increase the volume of container traffic through the Eurasian Economic Union. This traffic has already increased and will continue to grow, as we were told today. In addition, the reconstruction of the ports in Makhachkala, Aktau and Atyrau will help increase the capacity of transport via the Caspian Sea.

Our countries are also expanding personnel training cooperation in transport and logistics services. Almost 2,500 Kazakh students underwent training in Russia’s related institutions. Over a thousand were trained at Russia’s expense.

Colleagues,

We have just received information – at any rate, this is the first time I have seen it – on preparations for Astana EXPO-2017. We have seen the enormous amount of work the Kazakh organisers have accomplished. I would like to assure you, Mr Nazarbayev, that Russia will take a most active part in these large events, in this major international exhibition, and is ready to co-organise over 100 events in the programme.

Thank you very much for your attention.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53018
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #85
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Vladimir Putin addressed State Duma



The President spoke at the first meeting of the State Duma of the seventh convocation.



October 5, 2016 - 12:30





President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Members of the State Duma, friends,

It gives me great pleasure to welcome you and congratulate you on the opening of the seventh convocation of the State Duma.

Today in this hall, we have representatives of all the 85 Russian regions, including those elected in Crimea and Sevastopol.

Our citizens have entrusted you with the distinguished title of a Parliament Member. The election campaign was transparent and the competition was honest. The results demonstrate the will and choice of Russian society. I see a guarantee of the legislative branch’s strength and authority in the absolute legitimacy of the parliament.

The role of the State Duma as a representative body has significantly increased. Half of the mandates were given to candidates directly elected by residents of specific areas, districts and regions.

Overall, the composition of the State Duma has changed markedly. Representatives of public, professional and local organisations have joined it. I believe that as a result, Parliament will be receiving more efficient feedback from the voters, the civil society and the regions, which means a better quality of legislative work.

I also expect that the State Duma will be cooperating more closely with everybody who has the right to legislative initiative, including regional parliaments, and will frequently practice preliminary readings and public hearings, including with participation of the parties not sitting in Parliament.

I would like to stress that effective laws are not only a result of impeccable legal work, which is, of course, very important. The parliament’s decisions must be based on civil accord. Therefore, the State Duma must become a regular platform for an extensive public and political dialogue.

Colleagues,

During the election campaign, people expressed a demand for substantial social and economic changes. There is intensive and important work ahead for you as legislators and you must start immediately.

You can always count on the President’s support, on my support and on the closest interaction with the Russian Government. The ability of the branches of power to efficiently work together has key importance for our common success.

In order to set the economy on a growth trajectory, we need to remove legislative obstacles that curb the competitiveness, investment flows and the introduction of cutting edge technologies, and to provide a balanced development of Russian regions, the northern and Far Eastern areas.

Draft laws to support entrepreneurship and private initiative will be submitted to the State Duma. In particular, they will concern greater legislative protection of businesses from pressure by unscrupulous – unfortunately, they exist – employees of law enforcement agencies.

I would like to direct your attention to the key issue. What is this issue? Of course, special attention should be paid to reaching objectives in education, healthcare, housing policy and the environment. That is, in areas that directly influence people’s wellbeing and social and demographic development.

We launch priority projects in order to concentrate our efforts and resources on solving the most pressing tasks in the economy and social sphere. I will ask you to promptly provide them with a legislative framework, and while working with the federal budget to make sure that the priority projects are financed in full.

Of course, we must enhance the country’s security and defense capability, and defend its position on the global stage as well. I count on the political and legislative support of all the parliamentary parties.

I also consider it important that the resources of parliamentary democracy are used in full to develop substantial international relations with all interested partners.

Friends,

Russian society expects thorough and professional work from you, a deep understanding of the importance of law, and willingness to fight for the interests of the state and the nation.

I would like to address representatives of all the parliamentary parties. There have always been and will always be political disagreements. This is life, but the status of a people’s representative and the authority of the parliament, responsibility for the fate of the country and its citizens are above any personal or party ambitions.

This is how members of the sixth convocation worked in solidarity when making the most principled and, without exaggeration, life-changing decisions for Russia.

In the past years, the Russian Parliament has made a huge step in its development. It has become more professional and responsible. We have ensured an open and honest dialogue between various political forces.

I would like to thank once again the former deputies and former Speaker, Sergei Naryshkin, for their productive and efficient work.

I am confident that there will be continuity. I expect that the newly elected Deputies will improve on the best achievements of their predecessors and, of course, will preserve the historical legacy of the Russian parliamentary system.

More than a hundred years ago, Petr Stolypin said when addressing the State Duma, “We must bring together all our efforts, all our obligations and rights to support Russia’s historically supreme right to be strong.” Whether we cite these words or put them in a different form, we must always assume that any nation and any country have exactly the same right, to be strong.

One more thing. We never use the word “strength” to imply superpower ambitions. We can never impose anything on anybody. Russia’s strength is within us, within our people, our traditions and culture, our economy, our huge territory and natural resources. It is in our defence power, of course. However, most importantly, our strength is in the unity of our people.

We must always remember that all the components of Russia’s strength that I have just mentioned are the most important conditions for preserving our statehood, independence and existence as a shared home for all the peoples living here.

I wish the State Duma members of the seventh convocation and the new Parliament leadership success in serving the Russian nation.

Thank you.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53027






Meeting on socioeconomic issues



Vladimir Putin held a meeting to discuss financial provisions for social sector commitments.



October 6, 2016 - 15:05 - The Kremlin, Moscow





President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Good afternoon colleagues.

We are continuing our examination of the draft federal budget’s main parameters. I propose that we look at social spending today.

This is certainly a key issue, and not just for the budget process. The situation in the social sector reflects the effectiveness of the state authorities’ work in general and determines the level and quality of life for our country’s people.

This year, despite the economic difficulties we faced, we have managed to maintain the federal budget’s social focus. Around 35 percent of budget spending went on financing education, healthcare, culture and social policy measures in 2016. In absolute terms, this comes to around 5.6 trillion rubles.

As I have said, we must ensure that we meet all social commitments next year as well. We must ensure all guarantees to our citizens in this area.

Of course, there is no denying the fact that the economic situation and the circumstances we face have an impact on budget planning and in some areas we are forced to limit spending growth and redistribute funds in order to resolve the highest priority tasks.

These include projects to modernise the vocational education system at all levels, re-equip hospitals and medical centres, and support cultural and social services facilities. We have to keep up the current pace in these areas.

We must ensure that people working in the social sector earn a decent wage. I remind you that up to a quarter of the country’s workforce is engaged in this sector.

The situation with the federal and regional budgets has a direct impact on the living standards of millions of Russian families. It is important to maintain their income levels.

Of course, we also need to ensure support for the elderly and for socially vulnerable groups. As we agreed, we must make provisions for a one-off payment to pensioners, for indexing pensions to actual inflation in 2016, and for additional federal social payments for pensioners.

At the same time, we must make social support measures more effective and work on the principle of targeted support for those who need it most. This is something we have discussed many times.

Let us begin our work.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53045
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #86
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Meeting with winners of 2016 Teacher of the Year national contest



Vladimir Putin had a meeting with winners of the 2016 Teacher of the Year national contest.



October 5, 2016 - 15:30 - The Kremlin, Moscow





President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Friends, I am very pleased that you, the winners of the Teacher of the Year contest, are here on Teacher’s Day.

I believe that with every year, the jury faces a more difficult choice because teachers corps is getting younger, which we can see from today’s attendance. The average age of school teachers is 37, which is a good indicator. Moreover, their quality is improving.

I know that it is not just a job for you but a vocation and an art. You devote all your free time to this art and this is very good. It is the only way to make remarkable progress in any area especially in one like yours, which requires such great dedication.

This vocation is certainly unique because passing on knowledge and raising young people and children is an extremely demanding and important task, very subtle work that requires huge commitment, knowledge and skill. Of course, there must be an inner stimulus and motivation for the best result.

This is common knowledge, yet I will say a few words about it. It is very difficult to gain prestige and to attain meaningful and tangible results in your profession in the modern world considering the huge amount of information and opportunities that are available to everyone. This is good, but this also poses difficulties and entails risks, especially for young people and teenagers. You not only need to be secure in your beliefs but also know how to help young people to see the difference between real values and the froth that is not worth their attention and should be disregarded.

What matters in this context is not just the academic environment to which you should attract young people and encourage them to increase this knowledge, but also a balance that should include the humanities, history, education per se, science, as well as our traditions, culture and the arts.

There are many opportunities for this, because nearly all regions are creating science parks for children and young people. It would be very good if schools joined these efforts and also cooperated with organisations where young people would continue their education or find employment, such as industrial enterprises, cultural institutions and universities. This is multilevel, multifaceted and very interesting work.

I do not know if there is anything more interesting than this. Working with children is a responsible, difficult and complex occupation, but it is very interesting to see how your intellect and strong will help them to develop as good human beings. This is true happiness. I envy your ability to do this, and I wish you success.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53031






Vladimir Putin and Prince Albert II of Monaco opened exhibition The Romanovs and the Grimaldis. Three Centuries of History



Vladimir Putin and Prince Albert II of Monaco took part in opening the exhibition The Romanovs and the Grimaldis. Three Centuries of History at the Tretyakov Gallery as part of the cultural programme of the Days of Monaco in Russia.



October 6, 2016 - 12:30 - Moscow





President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Your Highness, ladies and gentlemen, friends,

It is a pleasure to welcome you all to the State Tretyakov Gallery for the opening of the exhibition The Romanovs and the Grimaldis. Three Centuries of History.

This exhibition is without question an important event in our countries’ cultural lives, all the more so as it gives the start to the wide-ranging programme of the Days of Monaco in Russia, which opens today.

This exhibition has brought together a truly unique selection from the personal archives of the Russian royal house and the the princely house of Monaco. It presents more than 170 rare official documents, paintings, photographs, diaries, letters and gifts from Russian museums and the Monaco princely court’s collections. They illustrate the close relations between the Romanov and Grimaldi dynasties, confirm the rich history and special ties between Russia and Monaco, and remind us that our two countries have often been allies and followed similar positions on European affairs.

I note in particular that a substantial part of the exhibition is devoted to our honoured guest’s outstanding forebear – Prince Albert I. He was not only a statesman but also a world-renowned scientist, oceanographer, hydrographer and honorary member of many scientific associations.

Next year marks 140 years since the establishment of diplomatic ties between Russia and Monaco. These ties were broken off for what would become many years in 1917, but were restored 10 years ago and since then have developed steadily in all areas on the basis of partnership, mutual respect and consideration for each other’s interests. Our country’s good friend, Prince Albert II, can take personal credit for much of this.

Let me take this opportunity to thank you, Your Highness, from all my heart for your sincere interest in Russia and the constant attention you give to our bilateral cooperation.

I would like to thank the exhibition’s organisers and wish all the visitors many memorable impressions.

Thank you very much for your attention.



Ruling Prince of Monaco Albert II (retranslated):

Mr President, Your Excellency, ladies and gentlemen, friends,

Mr President, thank you for the very warm words you have just said, and for the warm welcome we have received.

Following the Year of Russia in Monaco in 2015, I am grateful to the Russian Government for the proposal to hold this exhibition, The Romanovs and the Grimaldis. Three Centuries of History, in Moscow to mark the 10th anniversary of the restoration of our diplomatic relations.

The Russian Federation state archives and the archives of the Monaco princely court have worked hard to adapt this exhibition for Russia, and I welcome this truly exemplary example of scientific cooperation between our countries.

I am very pleased that, like those who visited the exhibition in Monaco, Muscovites will now be able to see it for themselves at the Tretyakov Gallery and will also see what an extensive correspondence the Russian tsars and the Monaco princes carried on, starting in the 19th century, which certainly testifies to the tremendous mutual interest our countries have for each other.

Based on these historic ties, I am confident that we will strengthen the bonds of friendship between us today and in the future.

Thank you very much.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53043
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #87
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Let us return to the past:





Interview with the Japanese newspaper Asahi



September 1, 2000 - 00:00





Question:

Mr Putin, what is your opinion about the level of interaction between Russia and Japan in the world, including international organisations, on the most pressing world issues?



Vladimir Putin:

I am glad that Russia and Japan are entering the new millennium as friends. A solid basis for successful cooperation, especially in international affairs, was created by a trustful dialogue between our leaders, which has been going on since the second half of the 1990s.

It enabled us to deal more effectively with current international issues, and not only in the Asia-Pacific region. It gave a boost to Russian-Japanese cooperation in the framework of international organisations and forums.

This was highlighted by the recent G8 summit in Okinawa. The constructive interaction between the delegations before and during the forum has been made possible thanks to the organisational skills of the Japanese Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori. As a result, the G8 adopted a strong stand in favour of the preservation of strategic stability. It gave joint assessments of the state of the world economy, worked out approaches to the problem of information security, the reform of the world financial system and the fight against international terror. It also has to be noted that our delegations “synchronised their watches” several times on the eve of the Millennium Summit discussing the general principles of the behaviour of states in the modern world.

I believe that the G8 provides a good framework for building up the interaction between our countries in developing conceptual approaches to the prevention of armed conflicts. Today it is one of the most important problems of world security. Here the positions of Moscow and Tokyo are much the same, in particular both countries recognize the central role of the UN in settling international problems. By working out common approaches we can reach much in preventing armed conflicts. It is worth recalling that at a certain period the opinion of our countries on the need to steer the Kosovo crisis toward the course of peaceful political settlement under the UN aegis was instrumental in ultimately directing events along that path.

As regards the UN’s role in international settlement of disputes I must stress that we hold close positions on the issue of the UN reform. I think we should seek together to enhance the capacity of that organisation to react promptly and effectively to the new challenges and threats. We come out jointly for the reform of the Security Council and its greater role and authority. Russia supports Japan’s bid to become a permanent Council member and believes that Japan is a worthy candidate for such a status.

Russia and Japan mutually complement each other’s foreign policy efforts in the area of arms control. The latest example of such constructive cooperation was the April conference to review the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). The decisions made in New York are important for moving forward the whole process of nuclear disarmament, including an early coming into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), which is a diplomatic priority both for Japan and for Russia.

We also hope that Japan understands how closely interlinked are the processes of strategic offensive weapons reduction and the preservation of strategic stability, on the one hand, and compliance with the terms of the 1972 Russian-American ABM Treaty, on the other.

I am satisfied with the cooperation of our countries under the Missile Technologies Control Regime (MTCR). Russia considers promising the idea of creating a global system of missile technology non-proliferation control.

Our countries, together with the United States and China, play a key role in the politics of the Asia-Pacific Region. The importance of our cooperation on all issues is clear. However, the problem of ensuring security, above all in North-Eastern Asia, is still at the top of the agenda. The emergence of some hopeful trends in the inter-Korean settlement adds greater relevance to this work. We understand that the Russian position is very important both for Japan and for other APR countries.

I would like to take this opportunity to talk about our joint efforts in the framework of the ASEAN Regional Security Forum (ARF). Through the mechanisms of bilateral and multilateral contacts we have advanced towards working out the concepts and principles of preventive diplomacy in the context of the APR.

We are closely cooperating with Japan within the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC). The results of the Auckland summit (September, 1999) are very significant, and we are actively preparing for the next meeting in Brunei in November. Japan seeks to cooperate with us closely in integrating Siberia and the Russian Far East in the processes of international cooperation in the APR. We are aware of the strong support on the part of our Japanese partners.

In this connection we look to further interaction with Japan in involving Russia still more in the system of world economic ties, in the first place in our country’s accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO).

Our cooperation on international affairs is not, of course, confined to the Asia-Pacific Region. Russia and Japan have geopolitical interests as reflected in our interaction on such important international issues as the Afghan settlement, reducing the possibility of conflicts in South Asia, the Middle East peace process, the situation in the Balkans and many other issues.

Such a level of international cooperation can definitely be considered a serious achievement of the two countries and an important factor in the progress of Russian-Japanese relations towards a creative partnership.



Question:

It looks as if Moscow and Tokyo will not manage to sign the peace treaty before 2000 is out, as envisaged by the Krasnoyarsk accords. Do you believe the issue will be a stumbling block for the further development of relations between our countries or will Russia and Japan still manage to pursue partnership in various areas?



Vladimir Putin:

The relations between Russia and Japan are developing with a view into the future, so we have a genuine interest in resolving the Kuril problem. At the Krasnoyarsk summit the parties agreed to exert their best efforts to conclude a peace treaty by 2000. We do not need convincing of the importance of such a solution. We will undoubtedly continue the negotiations on the peace treaty.

But the relations between the two states cannot be based solely on resolving the old problems. I am sure it would be more useful to look at the territorial problem not as something that separates us, but as something that may unite us.

From my talks with Mr Mori in St Petersburg in April and more recently in Okinawa in July, I got the impression that the Russian and Japanese leaders equally value all the positive achievements of bilateral relations, understand their strategic importance for both countries and are not inclined to put these relations in jeopardy because things are marking time on one, albeit of course, a very important issue. There should be no doubt that we genuinely want the relations with Japan to have the character of a new partnership.

Our countries have many common interests in such spheres as strengthening strategic stability in the world, moving forward the disarmament process, building up the security in North-East Asia, counteracting international terrorism and, bilaterally, in the development of mutually beneficial economic, scientific, technical, cultural and other cooperation.

In a situation of dynamic and many-sided progress of Russian-Japanese relations it will be much easier to look for a mutually acceptable solution to the problem of border delimitation. This is highlighted by the increased Russian-Japanese contacts in the Southern Kuril region. Japanese citizens and former inhabitants of the Kurils can now visit the islands under a simplified procedure, Japanese fishermen operate in the islands’ waters, etc.

In other words, Russian-Japanese relations in recent years have become so strong that even outstanding issues and problems inherited from the past are unable to hinder their successful development.

So I am optimistic about the future of Russian-Japanese relations.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/24231






Interview with the Japanese newspaper Nikon Keizai



September 1, 2000 - 00:00





Question:

What specific economic cooperation projects with Japan in the Far East, notably in the Kuril Islands, would be possible and most effective, in your opinion? Are any documents going to be signed on this matter during your forthcoming visit to Japan?



Vladimir Putin:

The geographical proximity of Russia and Japan, mutually complementary economies and a long tradition of business cooperation create a solid basis for closer trade and economic ties. The question is how effectively we have used these prerequisites.

We witness a steady process of economic recovery in Russia, measures are being taken to implement structural reform, streamline the taxation system, improve the investment climate and transform the governance mechanism. In other words, additional opportunities are emerging for more active bilateral cooperation in the economic field. All this, I hope, will make Russia a more attractive and reliable business partner within the next few years.

Speaking about the most promising areas of cooperation, I would first of all like to mention interaction in providing the Asia-Pacific countries with energy, and building long-distance gas and oil pipelines and power transmission lines.

We are looking at continued cooperation in the development of Sakhalin oil and gas fields, of other energy resources on Russian territory, including the Kovykta gas condensate and Yakutsk gas fields as well as the building of long-distance gas pipelines from Russia to Japan.

I think the idea of creating an energy bridge between Russia and Japan is interesting and promising.

Also relevant is Russian-Japanese interaction in addressing the problem of global warming by implementing some energy-saving projects at certain Russian fuel and energy facilities.

Along with energy, our cooperation in the transport sphere is highly promising. I mean first of all the effective joint use of the Trans-Siberian Railway.

I would like to mention some interesting projects in the Russian Far East in the processing of ores and minerals, the building of gas pipelines and hydroelectric plants, and modernisation of ports, including Zarubino.

Cooperation in the area of the South Kuril islands is making good headway. The agreement on Japanese fishing in the South Kuril waters is being put into effect. In this context, the launching of joint economic activities on the islands is to play a major role.

For my visit to Tokyo the parties are preparing a number of agreements and documents, including some on trade and economic cooperation. I hope these agreements will mark a big step forward in the development of mutually advantageous economic ties, which, in turn, will contribute to more active Russian-Japanese relations as a whole.



Question:

Against the background of the favourable economic situation in Russia the need for structural reform is becoming more evident than ever. What is your forecast for the development of the domestic economic situation?



Vladimir Putin:

The policy pursued by the Japanese Government in recent years is geared to provide an adequate response to the “five challenges”, which include a renewal of the Japanese economy. Structural economic reform is also a challenge and a priority task for Russia.

What have we managed to do already?

First, we have solved some chronic budgetary problems, in particular, we have paid off the wage and pension arrears, and achieved a deficit-free budget. By the way, the draft federal budget for 2001 will also be deficit-free.

Second, a strategically sound monetary and credit policy is being implemented. It made the exchange rate of the Russian rouble more realistic, Russian producers more competitive, and indeed in some niches domestic goods are replacing the imports. As a result our industry has grown (10% in the first 7 months of 2000 compared with the same period last year). The country’s gold and currency reserves have increased by 11 billion dollars since the start of the year. The population’s real incomes have started growing, up 8.7% in 7 months of 2000.

Third, the world prices for the main Russian export commodities are good, which has enabled Russian exporters to accumulate investments more actively (an increase by 15% since the beginning of the year).

In short, cardinal changes have taken place in the Russian economy.

A growing number of companies are operating on market principles. Most importantly, people’s mentality has changed. Company executives have gained vast experience in operating in a market environment. Well-educated and energetic people have joined the body of company executives. People no longer look to the state to do everything for them.

The Government is following the course of reform with due account of the social sentiments and the feelings of people.

Let me give you just a few examples. The main aim of reform in the transport and production infrastructure is to cut the cost of delivery of goods and cargoes, and to improve the quality of services provided to companies and households. Japan and other Asia-Pacific countries may be interested, in particular, in the programme of creating Russian transport corridors integrated into the Eurasian network, including the Trans-Siberian Railway and the Northern Sea Route.

In the fuel and energy sphere the Government’s policy will be aimed at fully meeting the domestic demand, further expanding the export potential (especially gas), replenishing the budget, and sustained and environmentally friendly development. These goals cannot be achieved without attracting massive investments, including under Production Sharing Agreements. We have set the target and think it is a realistic proposition to attract at least $150–200 billion in investments before 2010.

Such are the main outlines and areas of the structural reform of the Russian economy. It is impossible to dwell on all the aspects of the problem within an interview, but I probably don’t need to because life itself will introduce certain adjustments. The main thing is that the restructuring programme will take Russia to a qualitatively new level of development marked by sustained economic growth, the existence of an independent middle class, social and political stability.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/21540
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #88
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Statement commenting on the Decision by US President Bill Clinton not to Assume Any Obligations to deploy a National ABM System



September 2, 2000





“US President Bill Clinton's decision not to take the responsibility for deploying the national anti-missile defence system is seen in Russia as a well thought-out and responsible step. I am sure that President Clinton made this decision based on a profound analysis and after considerable thought, with due regard, in particular, to the opinion of the US allies and partners.

This decision will undoubtedly lead to strengthening strategic stability and security in the whole world, and will raise the United States' authority in the eyes of the international community, especially on the eve of the Millennium Summit.

In no way does this mean that Washington and Moscow have identical attitudes towards the ABM issue. However, Russia is ready to further cooperate with the United Stated and other interested countries to ensure global security, including speedy progress towards further reduction of nuclear arsenals, improvement of missile and nuclear non-proliferation regimes, and strengthening of strategic stability by political means. Respective instructions have already been issued to the Russian Foreign Ministry and the Security Council.”

Vladimir PUTIN





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/supplement/3185
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #89
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Address to the Millenium Summit



September 6, 2000 - 00:00 - New York





President Vladimir Putin:

Ladies and Gentlemen,

This summit is really the last one in this millennium. But it will go down in history as the Millennium Summit by a different reason.

We and our predecessors have done much to fill in this symbolic image with a profound meaning. The second half of the century, its international constituent unconditionally passed under the UN sign. The very fact of existence of this organization was a guarantee from an arbitrariness of hegemony, from right to absolute truth and dictates.

When the United Nations was being established many of the states represented here have simply not been on the world map. But the norms of the international behaviour were being formed taking them also into account. Today these norms are accepted by all and serve the interests of the international community.

The principal result is obvious. What seemed unattainable half a century ago today has become the norm of international relations. Respect for each other and the UN instruments helped the countries and peoples to learn the art of a dialogue and look for common decisions. Even global confrontation could not impede a joint work in the extreme crisis and even dead-end situations.

All that can be called the ”UN School“ without any overstatement.

A political term given to leaders is usually not so long. We had luck to be born and live during the threshold epoch. We were lucky to be called for by our peoples at the momentous time. That is why a natural duty of a politician is to see at least one step ahead.

We are bound to give a chance to those who will come after us.

The twentieth century will remain in history as a century of contradictions. It has become an epoch of grandiose achievements and terrible wars, a century of revolutionary breakthroughs and profound disillusionments. But our countries and peoples managed to draw off hatred. They managed to overcome the Cold War with its global confrontation.

That is an accomplishment of the United Nations.

Preceding generations have left us a unique organization as heritage. The United Nations have learned to solve and solve the most complicated world problems. It is here where the international regime of human rights – the most important characteristic of the modern world was born. This universal instrument proved to be not vulnerable to ideological speculations, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights has never been only a declaration. Up to this day it definitely affects our lives.

We are convinced: we need to renovate and improve the UN mechanisms. This is the imperative of our time. But no reforms should make loose its fundamental principles.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The new century of the United Nations should prolong itself into a millennium of effective stability. It has to enter the annals of history as the period of real disarmament.

Today we have already succeeded in creating an efficient mechanism for disarmament. Its foundation comprises the 1972 ABM Treaty, regimes of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and means for their delivery, dozens of the most important agreements on limitation and reduction of different armaments.

We should reliably block the ways for spreading of nuclear weapons. We can achieve this by,inter alia,excluding usage of enriched uranium and pure plutonium in the world atomic energy production.

This is technically quite possible to implement. But more important is that incineration of plutonium and other radioactive elements creates prerequisites for the final solution of the radioactive residues problem. It opens fundamentally new horizons for secure life on the planet.

In this connection Russia proposes to work out and put into practice a relevant mechanism with the participation of the IAEA.

Particularly alarming are the plans for militarization of the outer space. In spring of 2001 we shall celebrate the 40th anniversary of the first flight of man to the outer space. That man was our compatriot, and we suggest to organize on that date, under the umbrella of the UN, an international conference on prevention of the outer space militarization.

I think that the most proper place for it shall be Moscow.

Success in this world and respect of the partners is earned by difficult, everyday work for the benefit of one's own people. For Russia these days the priority of the internal national policy is unquestionable. Yet, we have the right to consider something else as our achievement: our contemporary positions are in maximum close to what is usually called in the world the universally recognized standards. That is why Russia, with more reason than ever, has the right to count on response in kind and the reciprocal movement.

For our country the final part of the 20th century, especially its last decade is not simply a transitional period and even not a historic time. Not every people had to make such a choice. The choice that changed not only us but also the face of the world.

These days we are a new country, and at the same time very ancient one. We returned to the scene as a democratic state and we have the intention to become stronger in that capacity and earn more prestige.

The threats and challenges which Russia has to face are the common enemies of the free nations. We consider terrorism to be the most dangerous and treacherous phenomena It is unscrupulous as to the means and is rather skilful in changing its masks. But it survives only when it has a chance to undermine the stability of a state, to saw seeds of mutual suspicion and animosity. Our common task is to raise an efficient barrier against this evil.

And the UN role in this sphere should grow.

Esteemed colleges,

We have to move to peace, stability and prosperity relying on all the wealth of cultures and traditions. Even in the 21st century the already recognized approaches to the solution of basic problems will benefit from recognising the right to national self expression and independence. Democracy in international relations means conscious understanding of all the diversity of the world civilization.

I am convinced that relying on the just world order and strategic stability we shall guarantee sustainable development of the civilization. And today's Russia, as never before is open, responsible and ready for cooperation on an equitable, partnership basis.

I wish all the success to our Summit and efficient implementation of its decisions.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/presiden...nscripts/22231
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #90
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Address to the United Nations Security Council



September 7, 2000 - 00:00 - New York





President Vladimir Putin:

Mr. President,

Colleagues,

All of us are participants of a really historic, threshold meeting of the Security Council. Last months of the millennium are running out, and they remind us about responsibility and obligations towards our peoples and the whole world.

The second half of the century and its international constituent, undoubtedly, passed under the UN sign.

The key UN body – the Security Council – has made everything to safeguard the world from a new military catastrophe, and politicians – from a temptation to exploit temporary advantages for the objectives unworthy of mankind.


* * *


Today’s meeting of the Security Council is held at the summit level.

Without an exaggeration one can say that all of us are both, pupils and teachers “at the UN School”. It is our common offspring. That is why the UN successes are our common successes. If the United Nations makes mistakes, then the responsibility for that rests with all of us and moreover – heads of member-states of the Security Council. That is why it is us who must take upon ourselves the burden of the most difficult decisions. It is us who must set the pace and dynamism of the processes of strengthening the system of the international security.

When the Security Council acts in solidarity and jointly – the most complicated problems give in to settlement. All this only increases the authority of the Council. In my opinion, in the new century we could use the summit format of the meetings more often and not only in New York.


* * *


It is before our eyes and with our direct participation that the face of a new epoch is being shaped up. And it doesn’t matter that ideas about it can differ in details. I am sure that in the principle we are united. This epoch must become an epoch of equal security and just peace.

Under no circumstances the new century and new millennium can be a cause for a reconsideration of the norms of behavior tested by time. The principles laid down in the UN Charter have passed more than one test “for durability” and proved its effectiveness.

First of all it is the principle of supreme rule of international law. A civilized world order without strong legal foundation is impossible. If it is absent then the most alluring informal projects have not a chance for a success.

Second — it is our common responsibility for the world stability and a collective approach to the settlement of contradictions and conflicts. The latest period of history lessons vividly demonstrate: approaches and measures ignoring international law are inevitably undermining both regional and global stability.

Only the Security Council has the right to sanction such an extreme measure as the use of force in the situation of crisis. It does so on behalf and in the interests of the whole world community as the Security Council bears special responsibility for it.

While formulating in exact terms the mandate and the rules for conducting peace making operations, in particular on the basis of Chapter 7 of the UN Charter we should not permit introduction of anybody’s self serving interests.

The peace making efforts of the Security Council have permitted these years to extinguish a few big “regional conflagrations” – in Cambodia, Mozambique, Central America. The latest and one of the most interesting examples of such efforts has become the settlement in Tajikistan. The process of national reconciliation supported by the UN has returned Tajikistan to normal life.

I am convinced: abandonment of unilateral approaches will allow to achieve a just solution of the problem of Iraq, to secure peace and stability in the Balkans. The pertinent resolutions of the Security Council already contain the necessary political and legal conditions. They should be implemented bona fide and in the full scope.


* * *


One of the most acute problems of the contemporary world are the incessant conflicts in Africa. The future of the continent in great degree depends on their speedy and effective settlement. If in the 20th century Africa became free from colonialism, than the 21st century should get it rid off poverty and military confrontation.

In order to solve this important problem the UN and its Security Council should most closely coordinate their activities with the peace making efforts of the African nations themselves.

The most important task consists of improvement of the UN anti-crisis potential. In this sense the “Brakhimi report” presented by the Secretary General will be useful. We should jointly develop the “culture of crisis prevention”, work more on forestalling. Of special importance should be unearthing the profound reasons of conflicts, including economic and social ones.

Cooperation of the Security Council with regional organizations in crisis response has become the reality of our times. Russia makes a tangible contribution to those efforts, carrying out peace making activities jointly with other countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States in strict observance of the UN Charter. Russia participates in ten out of fifteen peace making operations conducted under the UN aegis.

In conclusion, from this “high” rostrum, I would like to thank the UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan and his staff for an excellent organization of our work and preparation of this meeting. I hope that implementation of its results will be productive in the same degree.

Thank you for your attention.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/24227
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #91
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Press Conference on the Results of the Millennium Summit



September 8, 2000 - 00:01 - New York





Vladimir Putin:

Ladies and gentlemen,

First of all I would like to thank you for your interest in this meeting. My colleagues and I would like to share with you our impressions of the summit and its results – the way we see them.

We have every reason to say that the forum was a milestone not only for the United Nations, but for the history of international relations. Indeed, our generation has the honour and the great responsibility to review the results of the historical path traversed by the world community and to chart the course of further development.

We believe that an important result of the Millennium Summit is that it has reaffirmed the authority of the Untied Nations. It reaffirmed that the UN should continue to play the key role in coordinating the actions of regional and subregional organisations, and in creating a viable system of collective security and control of global processes.

During the Summit Russia, as you know, came up with several initiatives aimed at making the world a safer, more just and more democratic place. For example, we proposed holding in Moscow, under the UN aegis, in the spring of 2001 an international conference on preventing the militarisation of outer space timed for the first manned space flight. As you know, the first man in space was our fellow countryman, Yuri Gagarin, and naturally we have proposed Moscow, the capital of Russia, as the venue for that conference. We are glad that many of our colleagues have reacted positively to this initiative.

Another proposal we made is to develop, under the IAEA aegis, an international document to rule out the use of enriched uranium and pure plutonium in peaceful nuclear energy. That initiative, we are convinced, would not only make a solid contribution to nuclear non-proliferation, but would pave the way for ridding humankind of the extremely serious problem of radioactive waste. As you know, many countries face that problem.

The Security Council Session was undoubtedly a signal event. It took place at the highest level. Its participants voted unanimously for preserving the broad powers of the Security Council and improving its operational potential as the guarantor of lasting international stability.

Peace-keeping operations are becoming a priority area in the work of the UN. In this connection we will actively contribute to improving the peace-keeping potential of the United Nations and strengthening its central role in ensuring peace and stability at the global and regional levels. We are also convinced that the system of collective security should be based on such clear and enforceable principles as supremacy of the law, overall responsibility for stability in the world, and a collective approach to the settlement of disputes and conflicts, and the establishment of peace.

The joint statement of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council will have far-reaching practical consequences. The permanent members of the Security Council have reaffirmed their commitment to enhancing the role of the UN and its Security Council, stressed the need for strict respect of the exclusive powers of the Council to authorise the use of force for peace-making purposes. The Security Council alone has the right to give a go-ahead for the extreme measure in crisis response – the use of force – and do it on behalf of the whole international community.

Such a large-scale forum provides a unique opportunity to meet with the leaders of many states, to discuss with them – in a very practical, hands-on way – topical issues of bilateral relations and key international problems. During the meeting with the US President in New York we had a serious and thorough discussion on cooperation between Russia and the US in strengthening strategic stability and issued a statement at the end of these talks.

Also in New York, I held fruitful meetings with the Chairman of the People’s Republic of China, the Federal Chancellor of Germany, the Presidents of Indonesia, Cyprus, Iran, Turkey, Mexico, Venezuela, the Republic of Yemen and South Africa, with the Prime Minister of Israel and the Prime Minister of Great Britain. That list will grow. Tomorrow we will hold meetings with the Chairman of the State Council and the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Cuba, the President of the Republic of Korea and the Norwegian Prime Minister. I have been able to talk with many other colleagues during the event. It is difficult and probably wrong to rank the numerous meetings in terms of their significance. But I would like to single out the meeting due to be held tomorrow with the Secretary General of the Untied Nations Kofi Annan, whose activities in this high office Russia actively supports.

In conclusion I would like to note that the Millennium Summit has reaffirmed the effectiveness of the coordinated efforts of the world community, the high responsibility and readiness of the national governments to work jointly for the sake of peace and international stability.

Thank you for your attention. I am ready to take your questions.



Question:

How do you assess the importance of this meeting for the UN, which seems to be entering a phase of active reforms, and for Russia?



Vladimir Putin:

I thought I made it clear in my statement, but I can repeat it. In our opinion, the most significant thing is that the Summit has reaffirmed the role of the United Nations as a key international organisation. Today the importance of the UN as a universal international instrument for resolving international disputes is coming to the fore. These wishes have been reaffirmed in the declaration on that subject and in the statements of the Security Council and the five permanent members of the Security Council.



Question:

How exactly do you see the reform of the UN Security Council?



Vladimir Putin:

If it is to be an effective instrument in tackling international tasks, the Untied Nations should rely on the countries which carry weight and have influence in international relations. As a Japanese media representative, you will be interested to know that in Russia’s opinion Japan is without any doubt such a country. So Russia is in favour of Japan becoming a member of the Security Council.

At the same time I would like to stress – and I have said it to my Japanese counterpart – that there should be no hurry to reorganise, and reorganisation should take into account the opinions of the members of the United Nations and the members of the Security Council. It would be best if the Security Council members pass such decisions by consensus. But, I repeat, the reform is overdue, and it is necessary.



Question:

Mr Putin, in the light of your meetings and discussions at the Summit, how do you see the outlook for cooperation among the leading world countries in preventing regional conflicts?



Vladimir Putin:

I can merely reiterate what I said in my address to the General Assembly and some other audiences. I am absolutely convinced that if we want regional conflicts to be resolved fairly, on just principles, and effectively, we should adhere to the fundamental principles of international law enshrined in the UN Charter and other United Nations documents.

In this connection I would like to note that in passing such decisions, especially decisions on the use of force, the UN Security Council speaks for the whole world community and bears a special responsibility. The documents it passes should describe clearly the whole procedure of dispute resolution and conflict settlement. Only this approach gives hope that the activities of the UN in that area will be effective.



Question:

My question is about the rapprochement between North and South Korea, and the relations between the Russian Far East and the Asia-Pacific countries. The Siberian Energy Institute has for years been designing a single power grid for Russia, Korea, China and Japan. The creation of a unified energy system would benefit the economies of these countries and serve the cause of peace on the Korean Peninsula. Russia is still the leader in building power transmission equipment and simultaneously plays the role of peace-keeper in the region. It has a strong position.

Are you aware of the plans to create a single power grid and how can you comment on them?



Vladimir Putin:

I wouldn’t discuss the issue of who stands to gain more from the implementation of such large-scale projects. The Asia-Pacific countries need such projects. In general, many Asian countries are short of energy resources and fuel. Russia possesses such potential and we are ready for joint work. Provided, of course, it suits everyone and everyone stands to gain.

I came to New York from Tokyo, where we discussed such projects with our colleagues, with the Japanese Government, with the Prime Minister. Japan is interested in getting energy and fuel, and taking part in some projects that will bring in third countries as well. So I wouldn’t say that someone stands to gain more and someone less.

In my opinion, if a project offers a great advantage to any party, it is unlikely to be implemented. As a rule, such projects should be commercial, and they are only effective if they benefit all the parties equally.

As regards North and South Korea, you know that an active dialogue is underway on the Korean Peninsula. It is a pity that there are no representatives of North Korea in New York, although a meeting between the leaders of North and South Korea had been scheduled. It is a pity the meeting did not take place, but I don’t think it will be an obstacle to a continued dialogue. I am absolutely convinced that economic projects will undoubtedly provide a good basis for resolving political issues.



Question:

Do you think the members of the world community will comply with the Security Council resolutions, because we have examples of the opposite? And the second question: could you comment on the decision of Boris Berezovsky to transfer ORT shares to some journalists?



Vladimir Putin:

As regards guarantees, you know the joke that only an insurance policy gives a guarantee. But we should all try to make sure that all the resolutions passed by the Security Council and the United Nations are fulfilled. To do this it is necessary to create a situation in the world in which even a small infraction is perceived as an act aimed at undermining the foundations of the world community. If we achieve such a state of affairs, there will be more confidence that the UN resolutions will be fulfilled. If we do not pay proper attention to compliance with UN resolutions we will never achieve the desired situation. I think the results of our work at the Summit give grounds for optimism.

As for Boris Berezovsky’s decision to transfer his shares to a group of journalists, creative people, I think this action deserves nothing but praise. But it is important that they should be independent people. And if we witness shares being shifted from one pocket to another, if these are people totally amenable to Mr Berezovsky, we won’t see the desired effect.



Question:

Mr Putin, The New York Times reports that you have received fresh information about the Kursk submarine from President Clinton. Can you indicate what sort of information it is?



Vladimir Putin:

The information was received by Sergei Ivanov, the Secretary of the Russian Security Council. It was about technical observations of the area around the sinking of the Kursk on the day of the disaster. The Americans received evidence, through their technical means, about possible explosions in the area. Such information has been received and it will be used by our experts to assess the situation and establish the final cause of the disaster.



Question:

If the Russian initiative on ruling out the use of enriched uranium and pure plutonium in peaceful nuclear energy is adopted, what should be the role of international organisations in the implementation of that project?



Vladimir Putin:

As regards the initiative on the non-use of the enriched uranium and pure plutonium, that is, weapons-grade nuclear materials, in peaceful nuclear energy, I have this to say.

Russia has carried out research which confirms that it is possible to generate nuclear energy without these materials. The project, if it is to be implemented, will have to be international and without any doubt will have to be carried out under the supervision and, better still, with the participation of the IAEA. And it is up to the specialists to determine in what capacity and to what extent Russia can be involved in this work. But because Russia is putting forward the proposal, because it has relevant research results, confirming that such large-scale work is possible, Russia of course will play a leading role in implementing the plan that I mentioned when I spoke at the opening of the Summit.



Question:

Mr President, what measures are you planning to develop the Russian economy?



Vladimir Putin:

The Russian economy should be little different from the economies of other civilised countries. It would be great if it were a bit more effective than other economies. But as regards its structure and the principle of organisation, it should not be much different from the economies of other developed countries, industrialised countries.

We have a whole programme envisaged by the Government’s decisions. Without any doubt, one of the first tasks facing Russia is to put economic legislation in order. We are currently working on that. It involves reducing the tax burden, restructuring the banking sector, reorganising customs taxation and compliance with the budgetary macroeconomic indicators.

I must say that in all these areas we are taking practical steps and, as you know, we already have clear, albeit modest, results to report. We believe that this year the Russian GDP will grow by at least 7%, perhaps by more. IMF experts think it will be 8%. But we assume it will be at least 7%. Inflation is very low. The currency reserves of the Central Bank have doubled since last year. Industrial output in some sectors has grown by 15–20%.

We still have a lot to do, and I think one of the main tasks facing us is to strengthen government institutions to enable them to control and ensure compliance with the law. The main thing we have succeeded in doing is something that on the face of it has nothing to do with the economy, but it underlies any success, and that is we have achieved consensus among the majority of the political forces in the country on what should be done and how. That alone explains why we have managed to adopt the Tax Code and some other laws which will be pivotal for the development of the Russian economy. It gives us optimism, but I think that it would be proper if we reported to you at the end of the fiscal year.

Thank you.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/21550
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #92
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Interview with CNN’s Larry King Live



September 8, 2000 - 00:02 - New York





Larry King, Host:

Good evening, and welcome to this special edition of LARRY KING LIVE. It's our honor to have as our special guest for the full hour here in New York at the Millennium Summit at the United Nations — we're at our studios — Vladimir Putin.

Vladimir Putin is, of course, president of Russia. There's lots of things to talk about tonight. We thank him for coming, and welcome to the United States.

What about this job so far, if anything, has surprised you?



President Vladimir Putin (through translator):

I'd say I was much surprised prior to my presidency, since for a while I fulfilled the duties of the head of the Russian government. And in that capacity, I had to deal very frequently with the functions of the president himself. So nothing was exceptionally new. But the volume of my job has certainly increased.



King:

Are you enjoying it?



Putin (through translator):

Partially, yes.



King:

Let's get to the part that may not have been enjoyable. What can — what happened? You tell me. What happened with the submarine?



Putin (through translator):

It sank.



King:

But why? What caused it? What happened? What do we know?



Putin (through translator):

Unfortunately, today we cannot say much about the reasons of this tragedy. However, it's clear that the result of this tragedy were certain explosions. But we don't know what triggered those explosions.

All the rest, you know. There was a large hole in the pressure hull around one and a half meters to two meters, and now we know for sure that in result of that powerful blast for 75 or 80 percent of the crew died within 90 seconds since the submarine was at so-called periscope depth at the moment, which implies that all the crew were at battalion stations in the first two or three water-tight compartments. And they were destroyed within 90 seconds after the blast. What happened next, you also know.



King:

Mr President, it has been said all over the world, why didn't you ask for the help of other countries right away?



Putin (through translator):

This is not a difficult question. I can recall the chronology of events those tragic days. On the 12th of July 23, p.m., the communication was broken, and immediately the search started.

And the usual procedure is seven days for a rescue operation, but it was detected within four and a half hours. It was not clear what was going on at the time. But the navy had the necessary rescue operation means, which were provided for by the engineers and the designers of such type of submarine. Together with the submarine, they designed these rescue operations tools, and they were at the possession of the navy.

And the sailors were thinking about using those means and did so at the time when it became apparent that something was going wrong, something failed. Later on, it turned out that the area of that docking pad was broken, making it difficult for the rescue submarines to dock. The issue of foreign assistance was raised and on the 15th of July, for the first time, an official proposal was tabled concerning foreign assistance. It was proposed by the military attache of the United Kingdom. It was immediately accepted. But that's not really the matter here.

What matters here, immediately after accepting the proposals of foreign rescue operation, people needed six days to open the hatch. And if we now count those days and nights, even had our sailors on their own incentive addressed them earlier, 13th, 14th, 15th, 17th would have already passed — at least five days.

There would have been no chance anyway.



King:

In retrospect, Mr. President, is there anything you would have done differently knowing what you know now?



Putin (through translator):

No. The only thing which I would have changed in my conduct as head of state, would have been to halt my working meetings, to suspend everything I was doing at the place of my vacation. I could go back to Moscow, to the capital. But again, it would have been a PR activity, since in any city of the country or all over the world, I'm always linked to the military. I have communications means that allow me to discuss any problems on the table. Therefore, from the point of view of PR that could look better. Maybe yes, it would look better. But what matters here subsequently became clear that this situation was used for certain attacks on Russia, the pose of the presidency, which is in itself bad and dangerous for this stage.

Therefore, perhaps it was necessary to do it differently here. There were some suggestions and recommendations made to do something different. To go to the ground, to go down on this rescue submarine to the submarine itself. You are smiling yourself, but that's true…



King:

I don't think security would have let you do that.



Putin (through translator):

In such situation, I would not ask permission from security. Security serves me, not me serving them.

But not because of security, I wouldn't do that. But at the ground, you know, each second counts. Minutes, days, it's all important. Professionals should do their job, and politics should not be engaged in scoring points here because of the tragedy.

As regard to the security, I participated in the trainings. I was at the submarines. I spent a night with sailors at the bottom of the ocean. Therefore, it has nothing to do with security. I am commander-in-chief, and it's my duty to be together with the military.



King:

In concluding on the submarine, will we some day know fully what happened, do you think?



Putin (through translator):

We'll do our best. We'll seek to do it. It's important not only because of the need to understand what really happened to our sailors, but also to avert such tragedies in the future.

This has not been the first incident of this kind in Russia. This was the fourth nuclear engine submarine which perished. We'll do whatever it takes to recover the bodies and to raise the submarine and to figure it out. We are aware that similar tragedies are known to the United States. They lost their two submarines.



King:

Does it give you concern, this incident, about the entire military machine of your country?



Putin (through translator):

It sure does.

It raises questions as to what we need to look into the status of our armed forces. Like I said, it was not the first incident of a kind. Such incidents happened both in the Soviet Union and the United States.

Now as regards the reasons as to why it happened, coming back to that issue, I might say that since 1967, we have a whole set, a whole number of 19 collisions of our submarines with other underwater objects. Therefore, nothing extraordinary has happened in that regard.

The question is, however, like I said, to analyze it thoroughly is an imperative. And maybe jointly, with our partners, to work out a more efficient rule of conduct at the high seas so that we would be able to join our scientific and research potential and rescue operations experience when it is needed beyond the territorial waters. Sailors find themselves there in a hostile environment , and it can be only dealt with jointly.



King:

Did you discuss that with President Clinton, the possibility of jointly looking at submarines and underwater activities?



Putin (through translator):

We sure did. Usually, President Clinton and I discuss a broad range of issues, and I'm very thankful to him that he responded quickly to this tragedy, expressed his condolences, proposed his assistance in our very first conversation on the phone, which testifies to the fact that this issue will be on our constant agenda in future.



King:

Concerning that, you know Vice President Gore, do you not?



Putin (through translator):

I have met him only once, and it was in passing when he visited in St. Petersburg a few years ago. So it was a very quick contact.



King:

Do you have a great interest in the American presidential race?



Putin (through translator):

Naturally. First and foremost, I take interest of what's going on in my own country, but the United States is one of the major partners we have, one of the most important partners. And therefore, we are very much interested in what's going to happen with respect to the next presidency in this country.



King:

Do you favor any of the candidates?



Putin (through translator):

I think the American people should express their preferences, and we'll accept their choice.



King:

Would you like to meet with both candidates?



Putin (through translator):

I'm ready to do so but wouldn't like to interfere in this very acute pre-election campaign. One needs to exercise caution. We don't want to cause any detriment or tension in our interstate relations.

We are ready to work with all candidates, especially so that in both candidates' programs a position vis-a-vis Russia has been laid out which is quite satisfactory to us.



King:

All right. Do you like then the positions of both Governor Bush and Vice President Gore as it relates to Russia?



Putin (through translator):

Basically, what we've seen in their pre-election documents gives us a sense of optimism. We would like to see that everything positive which has been accumulated over the years of President Clinton's presidency, he would be able pas on to his successor, whoever it might be.



King:

There is a lot of talk today in the United States about this businessman, Edmund Pope. I believe you talked to President Clinton about him. He is detained in Russia on espionage charges, there's a lot of movement here to try to get him to come back. There are stories that you want to make a trade. What's the story on Mr. Pope?



Putin (through translator):

Indeed our security services believe that he was involved in illegal activities, an investigation has been carried out, now according to the criminal code, he has been provided with all the necessary documentation to get acquainted with. Currently he is reading those documents.

President Clinton has expressed his concern with respect to the situation with American citizens. We are not hiding anything. I have talked about it to my American colleagues in detail. But, in our country, like elsewhere the legal process should be finalized and then, depending on the situation and certainly in the spirit of good relationships between our two countries, we'll see we can do.

And we'll take into account the relevant decision to be taken by the court. Ultimately, it's only the court who, in a democratic state, could decide whether the man is guilty or not.



King:

Do we gather from that, that should you find Mr. Pope did do some things you might want to exchange him for Mr. Ames who's in a prison here for selling spies to you, so we put an end to spying?



Putin (through translator):

I wouldn't like to trade these things, this is not my job to bargain. But I think that experts will decide on what needs to be done.



King:

Is — you were a spy — I mean, you wanted to be a spy, you were up in the KGB, is spying among friendly nations still warranted?



Putin (through translator):

Intelligence is not running around in the drainage, underground cellars of Moscow or New York. This is an information gathering work. Therefore, intelligence people are very close by their duties to the staff in mass media. They pursue the same goals to gather information, to synthesize it and to present it for the consumption of the decision makers, who could use that information while deciding on things. If the government is active in foreign policies, then such a tool can be efficient. If it's well organized and workable, therefore intelligence could be a good support in deciding and settling international problems.



King:

Did you enjoy your career at the KGB?



Putin (through translator):

Well, you know, it was an interesting job. It allowed largely to increase my vision, to get certain skills, skills of dealing with people, with information, which was referred to earlier. It taught me to choose what is the priority and what is less important. That was useful in this regard.



King:

I know that you are trying to stop the United States from getting in to more anti-missile defence systems and the like. Why should it matter to you, if another country builds a system that's just defensive? As long as one country doesn't attack another country, what's the difference if we spend 80 billion on defence systems? Why care?



Putin (through translator):

Are you prepared to listen to my monologue.



King:

As long as it's not 20 minutes, yes. Why should you care about our defence system?



Putin (through translator):

Well, when our countries agreed on limitations of ABM systems, that was not an accident. When we deploy on our own territories ABM systems, we put together certain facilities which are hard to penetrate for the strikes from outside. If we cover the entire territory by such systems, or try to do so, then according to our experts today, this is a mission impossible.

But let's imagine it would take place. That could create on one side an impression — an illusion – that they could without being punished in international affairs whenever they like deal a blow, decide on attack. That would disrupt the balance of strategical interests and forces, which in my opinion is extremely dangerous.

When discussing with our American colleagues on this matter, I've always been tempted to remind them of the beginning of the arms race — nuclear arms race. I always recall the fact that initially nuclear arms emerged — were created — in the United States. And subsequently, some scientists who invented those arms, in part at least, the secret concerning the A-bomb, on their own will transferred those secrets to the Soviet Union.

Why did they do that? I always ask my American colleagues: ”Can you invent something of the kind?“

No, we cannot come up with anything like this.

Neither can I, but your scientists could do that. They were smarter than you and I. But voluntarily they transferred those secrets to the Soviet Union because they wanted to restore the balance. And thanks to that balance the humankind has survived without major conflicts, large-scale wars, for about since 1945.

If we disrupt that balance, then we'll put the whole world to this real great danger, which doesn't serve the interests either of Russia or other countries.

In my impression, that's the most important thing, and why we seek to retain that balance; why we object to the deployment of the national ABM system is because of that.



King:

Do you think the United States might go ahead with it?



Putin (through translator):

This is a choice to be made by the United States itself. We've been pursuing a dialogue on this matter. We have different approaches. To a certain extent, we agree, coming closer and we hope we'll be able to find a mutually acceptable solution.

The most acceptable solution, in my opinion, would be to preserve the balance of interests as we know it today and jointly to try and avert all these dangers, which can surface later on versus all of our countries. That would be a step in the right direction.



King:

Freedom of the press. Lots of the talk in the United States about worries over this in Russia. We have a jailing of Vladimir Gusinsky, Boris — I want to pronounce this right — Berezovsky, is the media mogul who has been asked to transfer his own holdings to the state. Are you looking to stop opposition?



Putin (through translator):

Opposition? On who's side? On the side of those who are interested in retaining the situation, which is, I believe very dangerous and detrimental to Russia today. This is about rule of law, implementation of the existing legislation.

Wherever I go, I try to meet with the business community. In the U.K., I've just visited Tokyo. Wherever I go, the first question asked by the business community, it's one and the only question, they ask (and I agree, it is the most important question) whether there will be time in Russia, they ask, when law will be abided by?

Letting alone the fact that laws should be measurable to the demands of economy and democratic society, but the government should provide for their execution.

Now, the cases you have mentioned, have nothing to do with the freedom of press. In the first case, we're talking about so-called Most Holdings. And the owner of 70 percent, to the best of my knowledge is, incidentally, Mr Gusinsky. But this holding has been in red, with credits and debts, and has not returned, according to creditors, these debts. So they are disputing, primarily, between the creditors and the owners, concerning the activities of the holding.

And in the second case, again, there are no problems concerning the freedom of expression, since Mr Berezovsky and the structures under his control own around 49 percent of the leading TV program company, ORT; 51 percent is owned by the government.

Therefore, it has nothing to do with the freedom of expression, because of the fact that the owner of 51 percent, the government, by the charter, has already any right to define the policies of that company, completely. So, regarding the staffing and the policies there, 49 percent by the charter could in no way affect the policies of the company.

And the owners of those 49 percent could claim only profits, but there is none, since, you know, they work with loss. And we do not demand them transfer those 49 percent in the hands of the government.



King:

A business question: But you're not out to stop a newspaper or a television station from saying, ”We don't like President Putin, we think he should go.“ You don't want to do that?



Putin (through translator):

No problem, whatsoever.

No, no, you have mentioned the Most holdings owned Mr Gusinsky. They've been criticizing us all along. And we don't have any objections in our government. And they've been so critical to such an extent, like it doesn’t happen in the United States, I think.

The other thing, I think the duty of the government in this area is to guarantee to all the competitors on the market, fair share, fair equal taxation, technical conditions, and other rules of fairness. We have been doing so. There is no difference in our approach towards the private mass media and government press mass media, the same taxation policy is being used. The approaches taken by administrations are the same.

Therefore, I believe that when they are talking about the need to protect the freedom of expression, that's only a pretext to be able to cover their own commercial interests in some quarters.



King:

Now, let us discuss Chechnya. Is this solvable? Will the troops stay? I know that you had great support when you started. The Russian people are now having their questions. What's the situation today?



Putin (through translator):

Today the situation is fundamentally different. If I may, I will probably give you a history of the situation, how it started, all those most recent events. I will allow myself to remind you of the very start of those most recent events last year. Since 1996, Russia completely and fully fled Chechnya. Russia did not recognize de juro independence of Chechnya, but de facto they got full state independence. All the structures of governance of Russia were dismantled — police, the military, public prosecutor’s offices, courts — all the offices of administration were destroyed and the president was elected in the way that did not comply with the procedures of the Russian Federation.

What happened afterwards? You all know. They didn't get any independence and de facto the territory was occupied by foreign mercenaries and religious fundamentalist, fanatics from Afghanistan and other circles in the Arab East. This is a fact of life. They started firing squads working on the thoroughfares, beheading people, mass capture, hostage taking in the adjacent territories of the Russian Federation and inside Chechnya. Over this period they took hostage of over 200,000 people. That was a market of slave driving in the contemporary world in Chechnya.

And Russia, finding itself in a similar situation like America found itself in the wake of the Vietnam War, did not respond to it at the time, and naturally that promoted, in a way, those international terrorists who spread around — who had their cradle now in this area, their nest was set up there, and it resulted in the direct attack on Dagestan last year, armed attack direct attack, coupled with destruction of a shelter, property and death of people. And Russia had to react to protect its people and its territory.



King:

And is still reacting.



Putin (through translator):

No, the quality of this reaction has changed. When our armed forces entered Chechnya, our armed forces were met with a surprising good reception by the local populace. Over the years of Chechnya regime, we probably didn't pay attention to certain new phenomena. It turned out the foreign mercenaries who captured, in fact, certain spheres of authority in the territory of Chechnya, they didn't have unified governance, it was broken, with certain chieftains, those military commanders, governing certain segments of society.

So it turned out that they also threw from outside into Chechnya a new ideological platform, religious platform for conception in Chechnya, coming from Middle East, and they tried to impose on the local population the Sunni trend of Islam. And our people in the Caucasus are mainly Shiites, therefore that caused a certain revolt on the part of the population there with respect to those mercenaries, and that caused tension between the two.

So whence the federal forces stopped resistance of the organized troops there, subsequently increasingly actively, the political process was started with the local population, and today there are no large-scale military operations in progress, none.



King:

No more suicide bombings? No? Do the Russian people support you?



Putin (through translator):

Yes, absolutely so, they do support me. But this phase is over, like I said, and now we've started to look for a political solution and, now the former clergy, mufti, the clergy head is the leader in Chechnya. And the other thing, just two or three days ago we held elections for the deputy of Chechnya to the parliament of Russia. Both the results and the figure of the population who participated surprised me, over 69 percent of local population actively participated in this election campaign and elected their deputy to the Russian parliament.



King:

We hear stories, terrible stories about the Russian economy, half of the people are living below poverty level, lots of corruption, mafia is everywhere. What's the health of the nation? What's the stability of the country?



Putin (through translator):

Oh, Larry, this is small surprise to me, our country has been coming through a dramatic tectonic change, unprecedented internationally. Such experience does not exist elsewhere.

Transfer from the totalitarian regime and the military-oriented economy to democracy, to the marketplace methods of economy control one needs to define the place of the state, what laws we needed, to see to it that these laws are abided by, which had not been possible to do to the full extent.

Let's also not forget about the so-called ”ideological heritage.“ People were always taught about the Communist paradise, Communist — people beliefs were decayed and that was their life. And this has also been our past, resulting in an ideological vacuum, which affected the status of the state.

But, as of late, what we have seen in our country gives us promise that the future is looking good, and we'll cope with it, a solid foundation has already been laid in the market relations and the basis of the democratic society has been set up.



King:

You are optimistic.



Putin (through translator):

I certainly am.



King:

In other word, big problems resulted from that drastic switch from one kind of government to another kind of government. This was to be expected?



Putin (through translator):

Nobody expected there would be such changes and couldn't imagine what will be entailed here. But I would think that, right now, we can confidently state to the fact that the country is able to deal with it.



King:

Mr. President, I like to touch some other bases, we have a few minutes remaining. You are a Judo expert – you know much about Judo. Tell us about your experience.



Putin (through translator):

While I am fond of that sport, I have been involved in martial arts since my childhood, but I am not an expert, I am an amateur.



King:

But you were on your team, weren't you? You performed martial arts, you were on your school squad?



Putin (through translator):

Oh, yes I did. I mean, in St. Petersburg, Leningrad, as a kid, I was involved, I was member of the city team, and I got a black belt in the all-national competition and I was master of sports…



King:

Do you practice?



Putin (through translator):

… at the time.



King:

Do you still work out?



Putin (through translator):

Unfortunately, I don't have enough time to do it very frequently, but when I have time and space I take pleasure in doing it, yes.



King:

A couple of other quick things. Are American businesses hesitant to invest in Russia because of corruption?



Putin (through translator):

Well, I think they have reason to be hesitant here. In order to invest money, one needs to be confident that his investment will be productive, it will pay back, it will give profit easy enough; if not firmly confident, then it is better to refrain from investing money.

But it seems to me that those people are right who don't waste time waiting. We have developed a network of contacts with the U.S. community, and many American businesses are doing business successfully in Russia, many companies are already there. A lot needs to be done, if we are to make our cooperation with business partners more effective and our country become more attractive. We understand that and will work on it.

We have adopted new laws, taxation code, which we failed to do earlier. This is another result of essential consolidation of the society. Our parliament has become more solid, and it's to possible pass-through those laws which are necessary for effective work, effective investment.

We have introduced a unified 13-percent tax for all physical entities, which is not known all over the world as a system. Now we are working on liberalization, fighting with corruption in the customs services and move ahead.

I believe that the question which you have posed is very urgent. We understand the problems. We understand what needs to be done to make our country to become more attractive and we will follow through.



King:

How is the health of President Yeltsin?



Putin (through translator):

I met him quite recently one week ago before my visit to Tokyo. I must say that today he looks much better than when he did being a president.



King:

There is much talk about Vladimir Putin and religious faith. I'm told that you wear a cross. Is that true? Are you religious? What are your feelings in this area?



Putin (through translator):

I prefer — I would prefer not to develop on that subject in detail. I think such things are sacred for everybody. Everybody's belief is not to be shown off, it's inside a man's heart. As regards to wearing cross, earlier I never had it. Once my mother gave it to me when I visited Israel. I was there two times. First on an official invitation of the minister of foreign affairs of that country. The second time, I liked the country, and I traveled there with my family as a tourist. So my mother gave it to me to have a blessing there at the Tomb of Lord. I did so and now it's with me always.

Incidentally enough, there was a story about this cross and since then I have always decided to have it on my body. I have a summer house close to St. Petersburg, there was fire on this dacha, it happened because something went wrong with sauna.

I took off the cross before entering the sauna, and then with my friends we jumped out naked, since it was so unexpected. And I cherished that cross very much, it was my mother's cross, and the fire was really in earnest at the time. So I was thinking perhaps I wouldn’t get even remnants of it, it was an aluminum-made cross, a very simple thing.

I was surprised completely when one of the workers, just muddling through those ashes of the remnants, found that cross intact. And the house fell, that was a surprise, a revelation, and therefore I always now keep it with me.



King:

Do you believe there is a higher power?



Putin (through translator):

I believe in human beings. I believe in their good intentions. I believe in the fact that all of us have come to this would to do good things. And if we do so, and if we do so together, then success is awaiting for us. And both with regards to our relations as people to people, or inter-state relations. And most important, we will achieve the ultimate goal, comfort and joy in our own heart.



King:

Thank you Mr President.



Putin (through translator):

Thank you.



King:

Vladimir Putin, President of Russia, thanks for joining us.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/21558
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #93
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Address at the Unveiling of a Memorial Stone at the Place of a Future Monument to the Soldiers of the 6th Company, 76th Guards Division, who Died as Heroes in Chechnya



August 2, 2000 - 00:00 - Pskov





Vladimir Putin:

Today is at once a sad, but momentous day. It is appropriate to recall that exactly a year ago terrorists launched a brazen attack on Dagestan. It came as a surprise to many, but not to all. Actually, it is our fault, the fault of the country’s leaders, the armed forces and the law enforcement bodies that it came as a surprise for the majority of the country’s population. Of course, there were those who did not notice what was happening or pretended not to notice, but it was clear to many that an undeclared war – no less than that – had been waged against Russia for a long time, for several years. Terrorists made forays into this land, preparing in fact for a full-scale offensive, which happened a year ago.

We have a habit of putting even the most urgent matters on the back burner. The Government did not have enough guts to tackle the problems confronting it. This lack of understanding on the part of the state and lack of understanding among the populace of what was happening allowed pseudo-states such as Ichkeria or the Kadar zone in Dagestan to be formed. Our resolute actions aimed at restoring law and order, the Constitution, the rights of citizens, protecting their legitimate interests and lives put an end to the process of disintegration of the state which had started. The armed forces played a great role in this. Today we have to pay a high price, but it is not in vain. The sacrifice has not been in vain.

Today we bow our heads to the 6th Company, to all our servicemen whom we can rightly be proud of and who spared nothing, not even their lives, to defend the interests of their country. Our warmest thanks to the loved ones, relatives, mothers and fathers of all those who died in this war. You have brought up genuine sons of Russia.

Eternal glory to the 6th Company, eternal glory to all those who gave their lives for Russia.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/21512
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #94
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Excerpts from an Address at the Opening of the Beth Menachem Jewish Community Centre



September 18, 2000 - 00:00 - Moscow





Vladimir Putin:

Good afternoon.

I would like to congratulate everyone here from the bottom of my heart. This is a memorable day. Spiritual revival in our Russia is impossible unless we realise that our culture comprises a wealth of traditions of all religions that co-exist in this country. We can neither understand our present nor build our future without those traditions. The Russian Jewish community is gaining strength, which is part of a national revival of ethnic traditions and spiritual heritage.

Only recently repressions were a part of our reality, which now appears unbelievable. People had to study their mother tongue in underground classes with a rampant campaign against emigration. But then, who would put up with this country and live here in such conditions?

We have made great strides since then. Cultural exchanges and the development of intermingling ethnic traditions enrich our life, and make this country strong, assured and spiritually rich. I hope this community centre will promote the closest possible contacts with our former compatriots in Israel, where they make up about a quarter of the population – that is, about a million people – and in other countries. It is of tremendous importance for Russia to maintain and step up contacts with the entire Diaspora. Although this is a Jewish centre, I mean not only the Jewish but also the entire Diaspora, which includes people of every ethnicity and religion. We realise the important part the Russian Diaspora plays in the development of international economic and social ties.


<…>


A new cultural centre for education and creativity is opening in Moscow. I would like to stress its role in everyday life because family values are pillars of the community as age-old traditions pass from generation to generation.

Educational work is of extreme importance in your community. I think it will give us a chance to gain a deeper understanding of Jewish history and culture, and thus improve the entire nation’s values. I would like to thank the Federation of Jewish Communities for its contribution to the cause.


<…>


Dear friends,

We owe Russia’s history to all its people, regardless of their ethnic origin and religion. Every person and every ethnic group added a colour of their own discoveries, gifts and stamina to the canvas of culture we all share. Jews have made a great contribution, as we all know.

Integrity is a stronger link than any other. May this Russian home of the Jewish community always have many guests. May friendship always reign here.

I wish you every success.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/24281
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #95
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Interview with the Indian Magazine India Today and the Weekly Russia Journal



September 29, 2000 - 00:00





Question:

Your current visit to India is a first top-level bilateral visit in eight years. So we would like to ask you: what factors have influenced the establishment of a Russian-Indian strategic alliance, what prospects does an all-round partnership between out countries have, and what is the essential goal of this visit?



Vladimir Putin:

I think everyone has been aware of these factors for a long time. They are based on Indian and Russian national interests. As I see it, India and Russia can become very effective mutually complementary forces.

The Russian leadership supports the theory of global strategic balance preservation in various parts of the world. We regard India as a key factor in international politics, not only regional but international, and I would like to stress that. We are interested in maintaining relations with such a great power as India as we pursue our goals on the international arena: stability and a modern democratic world order. The same concerns our goals in bilateral relations. Russia and India are natural partners also due to their mutually complementary economic, scientific and technological potentials.



Question:

Mr Putin, in 1994 our countries signed the Moscow Declaration on the Protection of Interests of Pluralistic States. It called to protect a state’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and spoke about the need to fight religious fundamentalism and encroachments on sovereignty and territorial integrity.

What do you think can be done to effectively oppose those forces?



Vladimir Putin:

As I see it, there are at least two directions to our efforts in this area.

First come our joint efforts and mutual support. There is much to think over here and much to do together, and we have to be efficient about it. The most important areas are information exchange, mutual political support and cooperation between our secret services.

There is another essential aspect. India and Russia can join forces against terrorism, including international terrorism, and together fight manifestations of extremism in any form. We can promote our efforts to create an international barrier to all extremist forces. We can make them fruitless and rob them of any prospects. I think joined Indian-Russian efforts can achieve major results in that field.



Question:

Mr Putin, Russian-Indian military and technological cooperation has always been close. Do you think military and technological partnership must form the basis of Indian-Russian relations, or are there other priorities?



Vladimir Putin:

Our military and technological partnership with India is very productive. We believe it has good prospects, but that is, by far, not the only field of our partnership. We are determined to discuss others, equally promising fields with the Indian leadership.

We have implemented roughly 20 projects in many fields. The different departments of the two countries have approved another 132 projects. They concern high technologies, bio-engineering, medicine, space exploration, and all aspects of energy cooperation.

We have drawn a long-term programme for scientific and technological cooperation for a period up to 2010. A document has been drafted to make the basis of our joint efforts in the field of computer technologies. Our work has a broad scope and involves fields that will, I am sure, be as interesting and promising as military and technological partnership.



Question:

Let us get back to your visit to India. To be honest, Mr Putin, many people in India have the impression that the preceding 10 years made Russia give up an old friendship to look towards the West, so we were very enthusiastic about your reassurance that you were India’s best friend in Russia.



Vladimir Putin:

We have a saying: one old friend is better than two new ones. This is the first official visit of this kind for eight years, but that does not mean that Russia has pushed its ties with India into the background. That is only the result of our domestic developments.

When I said that I was India’s best friend in Russia, what I meant was that India has many friends in Russia. That is clear from what I said. I am only one of its friends. But I am India’s principal friend because of my office.

Second, there are circumstances to which I referred at the start of this talk. As one of Asia’s and the world’s largest countries, India is an essential factor in global and regional stability. Our decisions are governed by a lasting awareness of that factor. Russia would like to see India play a genuinely important role in international affairs. We would like to see this because it is in our national interests. Such an approach fully corresponds with India’s own national interests. I have no doubt about that.

I want to stress that our partnership is not spearheaded against anyone. It is important for India and Russia. It pursues both countries’ interests, which fully correspond to the interests of the international community.



Question:

It is often said that Russia is more of an Asian country than European. But then, Asia is an extremely complex region with an overwhelming number of acute problems, such as Chinese-Indian economic rivalry and strategic competition in other fields, and the problems of terrorism and religious fundamentalism. What do you think of Russia’s role in that region?



Vladimir Putin:

As you have said, Russia is situated both in Europe and in Asia, and its major part, with huge resources, is in Asia. Naturally, we have interests in Asia. We are interested in seeing this region become stable and prosperous. That is obvious.

As I have stressed that our cooperation with India is not spearheaded against any third countries. A strong, developed, independent India, a major player on the international scene, would correspond to Russian interests. We see this among the balancing factors in the world, as I have said, and we will do all we can to ensure this doesn’t change. That is the strategic purport of our partnership. The nature of our partnership is not temporary. Russia will maintain the best possible contacts with all its Asian neighbours – China, Japan and Korea. I repeat we are interested in Asia’s stability and prosperity. In this context, partnership with India is one of our biggest priorities.



Question:

You are going to sign a strategic partnership treaty. How will it be different from the 1971 Indian-Soviet treaty? Will it be a successor document or will it contain new general factors?



Vladimir Putin:

First of all, it will certainly include elements of succession. However, our Indian partners and we will have to take it into consideration that the world has changed, Russia has changed, the balance of forces in the world has changed, and so have some of our priorities. All that will certainly find reflection in the document we hope to sign. We believe it will become a landmark document, a basis for building up all areas of our relations in the future.

A number of documents on various partnership fields are also ready for signing. However, the declaration you have mentioned must be fundamental. It must fix the principles of our relations. As for traditions and succession, I reassure you that this document, just as the previous treaties, will proceed from the essential international legal precepts and the United Nations Charter with due consideration for the latest developments and the new goals and purposes we see in bilateral partnership.



Question:

Mr Putin, “strategic” is a key word. What do you mean by it? Is it a military alliance or something else?



Vladimir Putin:

“Strategic” does not necessarily mean military. It does not imply establishing a military alliance or bloc. By “strategic” we mean long-term and based on both countries’ pragmatic national interests, especially with globalisation increasing competition in the international arena. I am not referring to military rivalry but, above all, to economic, technical and scientific competition.



Question:

Relations between the United States and India have been improving recently, and the two countries’ leaders have successfully exchanged visits. What impact does that have on Russia?



Vladimir Putin:

As we know well, the collapse of the Soviet Union changed my country’s ideological foundation. The communist ideology no longer dominates Russia. We have shifted priorities. Russia no longer views the United States as an opponent, let alone an enemy. Today, the United States, one of the world’s biggest countries, is Russia’s partner.

We have different approaches to certain global issues, to security, ABM preservation, and the 1972 ABM Treaty. Our opinions differ on settling particular conflicts. We are for a multi-polar world, for the respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity.

We are discussing with our US partners the many problems I have just mentioned, but those discussions are not aggressive or hostile. That is why we cannot but welcome a development of India’s relations with every country in the world, including the United States. Our fundamental understanding is that a determined and at times fierce struggle has been unfolding as a result of globalisation, with all its pros and cons. It is hard to predict the outcome of that struggle. The fields where certain countries’ interests coincide can and must become fields of teamwork. Russia and India have many such fields. That is what makes us natural partners and allies.



Question:

How would you describe the new relations you would like to build up with India?



Vladimir Putin:

We want to see our relations become an equal partnership, based on the mutual recognition of sovereignty and territorial integrity, and consideration for each other’s lawful interests. We want to clearly see just where we can help and support each other. We want our efforts in those directions to be close and effective.



Question:

Can you say that the relations you want to establish between India and Russia will be an entirely new objective?



Vladimir Putin:

To say that this is a new objective is simply not enough. When the matter concerns full-fledged contacts between two countries that share many interests and fields in which they can effectively promote each other’s interests, it is more than an objective – it is destiny.



Question:

I have an economic question. Despite dynamic military and technological partnership between our countries, the Indian economy is based on private business. How can we work together with Russia in this situation?



Vladimir Putin:

We are well aware of the situation in the Indian economy, especially in computer technologies, programming and so on. The main priority in our joint efforts with our Indian colleagues and the Indian leadership is to diversify our teamwork and give it a practical content that would satisfy today’s demands. That mainly concerns partnership in high technologies, space efforts and energy. Russian and Indian companies intend to develop India’s natural resources together, which is in India’s own interests.

We would also like to cooperate in medicine. Russia is an extremely advanced country in many fields. The whole world recognises its achievements. I am certain we can pool our efforts to attain the greatest possible effect.



Question:

Mr Putin, recent studies show that India will join the world’s leading countries in computer technologies within the next five to eight years. What do you think of Russian-Indian scientific and technical partnership in that context?



Vladimir Putin:

I am ware of that, and this is why we are drawing a joint programme focusing on computer technologies. It is very important for Russia, with its insufficiently developed communications and transport infrastructure for its vast territory. The latest means of communications, the Internet and computer technologies are extremely important. But Russia has a great deal of work to do to computerise the country before it can become a close partner. We have given a lot of consideration to this, and I am certain we will make good progress in that area.



Question:

One of the biggest problems which has led to a deterioration in our trade relations is that Russia drastically reduced investment cooperation with its old friends in the early 1990s. Do such ties with India have any prospects now? I mean Russian investment in India.

Will the solution of this problem resemble Western response to Russia’s problems? What will be your relations with your old friends?



Vladimir Putin:

I think what happened at that time can be easily explained. The problems Russia encountered after the collapse of the Soviet Union forced our nation and leadership to focus on domestic issues. The country went through huge changes. It opened its borders. That was inevitable, it was caused by the desire of the so-called Eastern Bloc’s to see the world, to gain a better understanding of the Western civilisation, and to touch the values created while we were separated by the Iron Curtain. That was a natural process.

As for what the Soviet Union had done for India, the production capacities built with Soviet technical assistance, I do not think dynamic development of Russian ties with Western Europe and North America is an obstacle to reviving contacts with such a vast country and reliable partner as India. I want to stress this particularly and not just to flatter you. India really proved itself as an extremely reliable partner throughout the years. We know and highly value that, so two fields of activity are opening up for us.

First, we can, and must, pool our efforts to great effect in the maintenance and repair of sites previously built with Russian technical assistance. Second, Russia is stepping up similar partnership with the world’s leading industrial countries and companies. We can use together with our Indian partners the available Russian R&D and what we are working on with our West European and North American partners. That is why closer Russian ties with the West cannot impede our contacts with India – and they will not impede those contacts. On the contrary, they will help to greatly improve our relations with Indian partners. I firmly believe that.



Question:

Yevgeny Primakov, the former Russian Prime Minister, said India, China and Russia could establish strategic links. Do you think such an alliance of the three powers is possible in the near future?



Vladimir Putin:

Bilateral relations are our top priority – bilateral relations, on the one hand, and building up the architecture of international relations, on the other hand. That involves Asia and all interested countries. No doubt, India, China and Russia are such countries. But there should be no misunderstanding if we say that India, China and Russia share certain interests as countries in this region, and we want to promote those interests all together. I don’t think there is any danger here. We only need guarantees that proposals of bilateral and multi-lateral partnership remain open, explicit and transparent to all our partners. I think we can manage that.



Question:

Did Indian nuclear tests come to you as a surprise? What do you think of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty? That is especially interesting as the State Duma has ratified it.



Vladimir Putin:

Russia and India are long-established and fruitful partners in the field of civil nuclear energy. We think India would be right to resolve all these issues with international organisations, above all, with the IAEA. We have certain understandings with the Indian leadership in that field. All related Russian plans fully comply with the obligations Russia has assumed on respective international agreements.



Question:

What do you think of Indian position in the nuclear energy field, especially in the past two or three years since India made nuclear tests? Do you think India has become a nuclear state?



Vladimir Putin:

We think it is imperative that India coordinate all its nuclear activities with the international community. That is our position. We don’t think new nuclear states have appeared in the world and we don’t think that, even if we recognised their appearance, such recognition would be beneficial to the countries aspiring to a nuclear status.

We call all countries active in that sphere not to hurry. We urge them to consider together with the rest of the world the consequences in the sphere of their national interests at home and in relations with neighbouring countries, and from the point of the world’s attitudes.

I don’t think the current regional and global situation demands rash decisions. On the contrary, it offers every chance to calmly weigh all pros and cons, and to form such a system of international relations that would guarantee all countries in the world and, in this particular instance, in the region their sovereignty, territorial integrity and national interests. Such options certainly exist if there is effective international cooperation.



Question:

As you know, India aspires to join the UN Security Council as a permanent member. Would Russia support it? More generally, what is Russia’s position on expanding the Security Council?



Vladimir Putin:

In my personal opinion, the United Nations, with its Security Council, is the principal organisation to guarantee international peace and settle conflicts. It is the largest of international organisations. It is a heritage we received from previous generations over several decades of their work. It is our duty to use that heritage wisely and efficiently. The UN is not limited to its Security Council. It is a huge organisation that tackles with enormous problems involving a tremendous number of people. Established after World War II, it reflected the global balance of forces at that time.

Life changes, and so does the international situation. The UN certainly must transform to stay effective. We fully realise that, and we think we must work in that direction and make decisions. The work must certainly include prospects for the expansion of Security Council permanent membership. India is one of the world’s leading countries and one of our principal partners. It is certainly one of the best candidates for that role and for that place.



Question:

A philosophical question for you, Mr Putin. What are the basic values in today’s Russia, especially now that much is being said about pragmatism and capitalism? You have talked a great deal about a national idea. Now you speak about essential values. What are they?



Vladimir Putin:

This is a critical issue for Russia after all the decades when its fundamental values were based on the communist ideology. As that ideology, the way it used to be, left the political scene, we found ourselves in a kind of a void. Russia will not invent anything new here. It cannot and should not invent anything. We don’t need any basic values except patriotism, love of home, Motherland and our nation, and religious and cultural values – all that makes the core of our life, all that makes us a nation, that makes us different from other nations, and all we take pride in. That is what will form the basis of the idea you mentioned. I repeat Russia does not need to think up anything new here, and it will not principally differ from any other nation, including India.


<…>


Question:

What do you think are the crucial challenges facing Russia now, and how will you tackle them?



Vladimir Putin:

There is nothing surprising about Russia’s present state. What we have is, in fact, a new state – ideologically, administratively and territorially. So, I stress, Russia is not a fragment of the former Soviet Union, but a new country in the making.

So out first challenge is to define our political system, develop a democratic and political structure of our community, form viable political parties, and make all democratic instruments effective. The judiciary system is one of such instruments alongside the multi-partisan system. We must make our country follow the law with precision and to due effect. We must unify the national legal environment. The development of market relations and enhancing their effectiveness is also one of our top priorities. As we see it, one of the principal duties of the Russian leadership is to achieve such an economic situation in which Russia would successfully perform in the toughening international competition to which I have referred earlier. In that sense, Russia will be a reliable partner for all its friends, including India.



Question:

Mr Putin, we came to your country and invested in mass media-related business. No one has been harassing us nor called us heroes since then for investing in Russia. But people keep wondering whether the progress of democracy, market economy and freedom of speech can be reversed.



Vladimir Putin:

I don’t think that is possible. A young generation has grown up in the past 10 years. These people will never be able to live in a totalitarian country. Many people in Russia are saddened by the break-up of the Soviet Union. Its collapse caused a great deal of suffering in the post-Soviet area, and their feeling of loss lasts to this day. Nevertheless, hardly anyone really wants to see the old regime revived.

There is no social basis for forces anxious to galvanise the past. Their social basis is lost. In that sense, there is no chance of reviving the totalitarian regime. The market economy and democratic government have definitely won in Russia and are here to stay.



Question:

What lessons did you draw from the Kursk submarine tragedy?



Vladimir Putin:

That was a great tragedy which shook the nation and myself. Regrettably, that is only one in a long chain of similar disasters. As we know, other countries have also lost ships and submarines. The US lost two submarines, and no one has attempted to lift them. This was Russia’s fourth loss of that kind. The whole nation feels bereaved. The openness with which we showed the disaster to the people made its grief all the more acute. That openness was unprecedented in the history of Russia and other maritime countries that came through such tragedies.

It has made us think about many things – the state of our Armed Forces, relations between the leadership and the public, and our responsibility to the nation. It will move us to make practical decisions. In fact, decision-making has already started.



Question:

What would you say about your style of leadership?



Vladimir Putin:

It is imperative to focus on streamlining the government activities in a state that is in the making. But that is not a goal in itself. It is only a means to improve the nation’s life, make our country prosperous, give us all a reason to take pride in being Russian, and, I repeat, make Russia a reliable partner for India and our other friends.



Question:

What qualities do you think a leader needs to tackle his nation’s problems?



Vladimir Putin:

Decency and tolerance, and certainly professionalism.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/24229
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #96
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A Conversation with Journalists



September 30, 2000 - 00:00 - The Kremlin, Moscow





Question:

You were clearly disappointed when the Security Council meeting was postponed. Is the military reform marking time?



Vladimir Putin:

I wouldn’t say it is marking time. It just turned out that the issue needs further study. The main aim is to make the military organisation of the state more effective and better equipped technically, to make it more mobile, and, among other things, to improve the living standards of servicemen and the prestige of military service.

All this of course calls for highly balanced decisions which should match the country’s defence needs and its economic potential.


<…>


Question:

How much time will the additional study of the issue take?



Vladimir Putin:

Three months. They have already been working for a month and a half. And I have given them one more month. I think that should be enough. It has lasted far too long as it is, without any visible effect.



Question:

How did you manage, during the course of a few meetings, to persuade the governors that the State Council would be a much more useful body than the Federation Council?



Vladimir Putin:

I had a very good meeting with the governors and members of the State Council Presidium yesterday. That is true. But I don’t think you are right when you say that I have managed within a few hours to convince the governors that the State Council would be a useful and effective body.

This was achieved thanks to preliminary and very thorough work on the issue. The decision on the State Council, its structure and potential, and even its future plans – we had been discussing it all with the regional leaders for quite a long time, for several months.

Yesterday’s meeting with the governors reviewed the interim results of the joint efforts.

As for the substance of the matter, I have this to say. What looks at first glance like another advisory body, can in fact be an effective instrument in implementing large-scale decisions that affect the life of the whole country. Why? Because up until now there has been no forum that would bring the regional leaders together to discuss not only law-making (the substance of these issues is the business of the Duma), but problems of governance.

The State Council can be an effective instrument in implementing major decisions that affect the life of the country as a whole. There has previously been no forum that brings the regional leaders together to discuss not only law-making processes, but management problems. If the issues that will be raised and discussed at the State Council are well enough studied, they can be reflected in executive documents, in the President’s decrees and directives. And that would mean direct involvement of regional leaders in resolving the issues that they previously were not involved in resolving at the national level.

For me personally it can be of great help in my work because it is an additional sieve and filter in adopting decisions both in Government and in the legislature. We have always said that law-making should be given more attention. Such large-scale draft laws could be additionally examined at the State Council so that its members could influence the process. The same goes for major decisions taken by the Government. The State Council can be a very good and effective body.

So, I fully agree with the positive reaction of the governors expressed after the meeting yesterday.



Question:

What about the disgruntled ones?



Vladimir Putin:

First, we should never be oriented towards the malcontents. We should always work positively, not negatively. For all the regional leaders to be fully involved in the work of the State Council we have decided that the Presidium will be renewed by rotation. Every federal district will send a new leader to the Presidium every six months.

What is particularly important, as we all agreed yesterday, is that every member of the Presidium will be put in charge of an issue of national importance. An ad hoc group will be set up with the help of the Presidential Executive Office, and the member of the State Council Presidium, as the head of the group, will start preparing one of the large-scale issues.


<…>


Question:

This is a question about Afghanistan. How real is the threat that has arisen there? How aware of it is the West and in general how can we counter that threat?



Vladimir Putin:

I think the danger of what is happening there, the danger of destabilisation in the region as a whole, is understood not only in Russia and the countries in the region but in the whole international community. As you know, the United Nations has passed a resolution on the issue.

Of course we cannot but be worried about the continuing escalation of violence. Russia wants that region of the world, which is not an alien region to us, to be stable and prosperous. Unfortunately, this is not yet the case. It is hard to say when it will happen, but we should work towards that goal together.

If destabilisation affects the former republics of the Soviet Union it is sure to have a very adverse impact on the internal situation in Russia. So of course we have taken measures and will continue to take measures to finally bring peace to Afghanistan and in any case to prevent the tragic developments there spilling over into the former Soviet Union.

You know that we are exerting military-political and diplomatic efforts in that direction. In fact, we have no opponents in that sense. The international community shares Russia’s position.



Question:

Do such countries as Pakistan fully share our position?



Vladimir Putin:

We are also in contact with Pakistan. We probably have different views on what is happening there, but we have the same goal. The goal is to make sure that peace comes to Afghanistan. And secondly, I should stress that the Pakistani leaders also agree that the tragic events we are witnessing in Afghanistan should not be allowed to spill over into the former USSR.



Question:

Are you satisfied with the way they see the situation? What sort of interaction on the issue exists with the Central Asian countries?



Vladimir Putin:

In principle, the answer is yes. Of course, each country has the right to and does pursue an independent foreign policy. We proceed from the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter. We are careful not to interfere in the internal or external policy of states, but we coordinate our actions with their leadership. It must be said that on the whole we have achieved a consensus with the overwhelming majority of the countries in the region on all the fundamental issues of Afghan settlement and security in Central Asia.



Question:

The outcome of elections in Yugoslavia is a big talking point. Can you explain the Russian position on the issue?



Vladimir Putin:

Of course, we know well that Russia and Yugoslavia have common historical roots and are close in terms of religion and culture. We are not indifferent to what happens there. Our position is clear. Our fundamental belief is that only the people of Yugoslavia themselves should determine their destiny, their future without outside interference. What has happened there indicates that the population in Yugoslavia is politically active.

We are categorically against any forms of escalation of tensions in Yugoslavia. All the disputed issues should be resolved exclusively in the framework of that country’s laws.

If a different path is chosen, the legitimacy of the future political leadership of the country will be put into question. And that will prolong instability in the state. We don’t believe it is the best way to achieve the goals that face Yugoslavia. And the goals are clear to everyone. The goal is to put an end to confrontation, to put an end to the isolation of Yugoslavia and to initiate peace processes in the interests of the Yugoslavian people, in order to preserve the territorial integrity of Yugoslavia.

This is in our opinion the most productive and effective way. I can tell you that I would be ready to send Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov to Yugoslavia immediately for consultations with all the parties to the political process in the country. But the decision of course should be agreed with Belgrade. If Belgrade agrees, we would be ready to take a more active part in the process of settlement and hammering out of positions. I can merely express the hope that eventually all the political procedures will be completed and the elections will deliver a legitimate President for a friendly state.



Question:

So, you do not believe that the process is completed?



Vladimir Putin:

Only the Central Election Commission of Yugoslavia or a law court, if any disputes arise, can declare the process to be completed.

But the alignment of forces is obvious. We see what is happening and how many people have voted and for which candidates.



Question:

What do you expect from the upcoming visit to India?



Vladimir Putin:

A whole package of documents is to be signed. The documents that should form the groundwork for our relations, and the declaration on long-term cooperation. There will also be some agreements in various fields: economic, scientific, military-political and military-technical cooperation.

We have close or identical positions with India on an overwhelming majority of international issues. India is a vast state which plays an important role in international affairs and it has traditionally been our major partner.

If the whole package of documents prepared over the past few months is signed, as I very much hope, it can give a good impetus to bilateral relations with India in all the areas I have indicated. And that cannot but give hope that the relations with our traditional partner will develop further.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/21569
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #97
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President Vladimir Putin addressed Slobodan Milosevic and Vojislav Kostunica, candidates for the post of President of the Republic of Yugoslavia, proposing that they make a visit to Moscow



October 2, 2000 - 14:15





The President’s statement notes:

“Russia is deeply concerned by the developments in Yugoslavia. The rise in tension following the elections of September 24 could escalate into direct conflict in society, which would be fraught with unpredictable consequences. Such a turn of events would not be in the interests of the peoples of Yugoslavia or of stability in the Balkans and in Europe in general.

As a true friend of Yugoslavia, Russia cannot stand idly by in such a serious moment. Acting in the spirit of friendship and closeness between our peoples, I, as President of Russia, am ready to receive in Moscow both candidates who have gone through to the second round of the election – President of the Republic of Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic and leader of the Serbian democratic opposition Vojislav Kostunica – to discuss ways to resolve the current situation”.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/39372






President Vladimir Putin sent a letter to Speaker of the State Duma Gennady Seleznyov about the situation in Yugoslavia



October 5, 2000 - 18:25





The letter reads, in particular:

“I fully share your opinion that the outcome of the presidential elections in the Republic of Yugoslavia should be determined strictly within the framework of the law and based on documented and confirmed results. The new president of Yugoslavia should be elected through democratic means and be supported by the clearly expressed will of the majority of voters.

Unfortunately, the situation in Yugoslavia has increasingly turned to confrontation over these last days. If this process is not stopped, the consequences could be very serious indeed, and not just for Yugoslavia.

This is why I have put forward the initiative to invite Slobodan Milosevic and Vojislav Kostunica to Moscow in the coming days in order to discuss possible solutions to the current situation.

While in India on a state visit, I am constantly keeping up to date on developments in Yugoslavia and have discussed the situation there in telephone calls with Bill Clinton, Anthony Blair, Jacques Chirac, Gerhard Schroeder, Giuliano Amato and Kofi Annan. [Foreign Minister] Igor Ivanov is in constant contact with his colleagues on this matter.

The main thing, as I see it, is to prevent the use of force and find a solution based on law and supported by the majority of the country’s people.

Unfortunately, despite our active appeals, I have still not received any clear answer from either Slobodan Milosevic or Vojislav Kostunica. This worries me greatly, as the situation is getting worse every day.

I am sure that the Russian President, Duma and Government will continue to act in coordinated fashion in order to help achieve political stability in Yugoslavia, restore Yugoslavia’s positions on the international stage and strengthen the fraternal relations between our peoples”.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/39456






A Statement on the Crisis in Yugoslavia after the Meeting on the Situation in Yugoslavia



October 5, 2000 - 00:03 - Moscow





Vladimir Putin:

The situation is extremely serious. All people in Russia are closely following what I would call the tragic developments in the friendly Yugoslavia. The political confrontation has reached its peak, and violence has been unleashed. This should not be allowed to go on. In a democracy, conflicts must be settled by peaceful means in a way that is best for the people. Any other way hinders the solution of problems the country is facing. We appeal to all political forces in Yugoslavia to be guided by this idea.

Russia has always stood by Yugoslavia in times of severe trials, as it has also shared its joys. Today we are eager to contribute to helping it find a way out of the current crisis and put an end to its international isolation. The Yugoslavian people have overcome many hardships and obstacles, and defeated countless problems while they were united. Today, the solution is to be found on the road to consolidation again. Russia will make every effort to help resolve the crisis; we will lend a helping hand to the Yugoslavian people.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/24243

Last edited by Alex Him; October 8th, 2016 at 12:20 PM.
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #98
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Statement on the Situation in the Middle East



October 13, 2000




The latest outbreak of violence in the Palestinian territories has taken the situation in the Middle East to a dangerous level. Further escalation of the conflict will lead to new and even more numerous victims, deal a severe blow to the peace process and have potentially very serious consequences for the region and the wider world. It is my conviction that this situation is not in the interests of either the Israelis or the Palestinians, who should live in peace.

At this important moment I appeal to President Yasser Arafat and to Prime Minister Ehud Barak to take decisive measures to end the violence, do everything possible to normalise the situation and renew direct dialogue in order to find a way out of this crisis.

As a co-sponsor of the Middle East peace process, Russia is ready to do everything within its power to help restore normal life and resume the negotiating process.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/supplement/3193
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #99
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Interview with the French Newspaper Le Figaro



October 26, 2000 - 00:00





Question:

Thank you for finding the time to meet with us.



Vladimir Putin:

Thank you. I think it is important that on the eve of our visit to Paris your readers find out the answers to the wide range of questions you are going to ask me.



Question:

French readers have long been interested in Russia and all things Russian.



Vladimir Putin:

Let us hope it is true.



Question:

With your permission I would like to start with a question which is highly topical, especially since you have just had a talk with the Foreign Minister. So, if you do not object, the first question is about the situation in the Middle East. It falls into two sub-questions.

First, how do you assess the situation taking shape in the Middle East?

Second, Russia has been standing aside lately in the process of Middle East settlement. Does it mean that Russia is losing its positions as a world power and is going to play a more modest role in the Middle East?



Vladimir Putin:

The first part of the question has to do with the assessment of the situation. I would describe it as dangerous. There is a danger that everything achieved in the past years may be lost.

For Russia, France and Europe as a whole, the Middle East is a region that is not far from our borders. France, Russia and Europe have their economic, political and other interests there, so we are not indifferent to how the situation will develop. Of course, when there are explosions, shooting and people die it always gives cause for concern and dismay.

In our opinion, there is no need to invent anything new, everything has been set out in the relevant documents and resolutions of the United Nations. All we need to do is to work out mechanisms for implementing these decisions.

Now about Russia’s role. We have many internal problems and we do not seek to intervene in every conflict and try to play a role there if it does not directly affect Russia. We only do it if we are asked to and if the parties to the conflict want Russia to be involved in resolving it. In the event, the parties to the conflict and the settlement process have repeatedly called on Russia in various ways to take a more active part in the process of Middle East settlement.

As to whether Russia feels that it is not as active as before in international affairs and that large-scale international problems are being solved without its participation, I would like to ask you: “Have any problems been solved?” I think that in order to solve such problems, participation in the settlement must be more broad-based.

Russia is a co-sponsor of the settlement process along with the United States. We think that a more active involvement of Russia, and indeed of the European Union, would benefit the settlement process. In our opinion, other Arab countries should be brought into the process; work should proceed along several tracks, to use diplomatic jargon, namely the Lebanese and Syrian tracks. We genuinely want a settlement and are ready to make our contribution.



Question:

So, Russia is still a great power?



Vladimir Putin:

This is not the only sign of a great power. But Russia has changed the principles of its foreign policy in many ways. It no longer seeks to impose its will on anyone. We are ready to take part in international affairs on a broad democratic basis.



Question:

Mr Putin, you appear to be more concerned about what is happening inside than outside your country. How can the Russian state be reformed while preserving the democratic gains that have been achieved?



Vladimir Putin:

I think it is only natural that I am more interested in internal affairs. After all, I have been elected President in Russia, and not outside Russia. Even the foreign policy I have approved as the head of state gives priority to internal problems.

Improving the state and strengthening it is of course a priority. In fact, we have been in the process of the so-called perestroika (restructuring) since 1985. And since the 1990s we have been living through a real revolution. Revolutions, even if they are bloodless, always involve the dismantling of old state institutions. But a revolution must end some day and a creative process should begin.

One component of this creative process should be the strengthening of state institutions on a new basis, on a new democratic basis. In that sense strengthening the foundations of the state, enhancing federal relations, strengthening the judiciary and improving the principles of governance are, of course, on the agenda. Strengthening the multi-party system and creating conditions for the development of the political parties in the country are important tasks.



Question:

You want to strengthen the state in order to save the country. Who are you going to lean on? Such law enforcement structures as the police, the Prosecutor’s Office and the Federal Security Service are corrupt and therefore weakened.



Vladimir Putin:

It is wrong to rely only on law enforcers in the fight against corruption, regardless of whether they are weak or strong. Obviously, without effective law enforcement, without law and order agencies there can be no crime control. But it is equally obvious that relying solely on punitive agencies will be fruitless. So we should above all strengthen the democratic principles of society, civil and public control, and create economic conditions that would deter economic crime, including corruption. So, the task you have mentioned is important, but we will use a multi-pronged approach to address it.

Having said that, if you tell me that there is no corruption in France, I would permit myself to doubt it. At any rate, I would be ready to take issue with you.



Voice:

If one can laugh at such things at all.



Vladimir Putin:

It is always a pleasure to talk about the problems of your neighbours. But sometimes one should take a broader look at a problem to understand that it is a common problem.



Question:

There are two obstacles in the way of state development. Above all, it is the influence of oligarchs and the position of regional leaders. What can you say about that? Especially if you consider that oligarchs control the law enforcement agencies in many ways.



Vladimir Putin:

I wouldn’t over-dramatise things. I don’t think they control the law enforcement agencies to any considerable degree. If by oligarchs you mean business leaders, I think the problem of the influence of big business on the state is universal. If you understand oligarchy as a merger of private business and government structures, I would say that this problem is perhaps more relevant to Russia than to other countries. It is true that it is a problem for us.

There is nothing new in the idea that it is necessary to improve law enforcement and to raise the living standards of the law enforcers. But most importantly, it is necessary to pass laws to create conditions in which private businessmen would be unable to and would not even be interested in influencing the life of the state. I must tell you frankly that representatives of business, especially big business, want the rules of the game to be the same for everyone. So, the state has many allies, including in the business community.



Question:

That is true. On the other hand, Berezovsky’s remark – “Boris Yeltsin pretended he wasn’t there and Putin pretends he is there,” – shows that all is not that well in the relations between business and the Kremlin.



Vladimir Putin:

Of course, after the revolutionary events of the early 1990s some people took advantage of the fact that government structures had not yet jelled and were not functioning effectively. Having amassed capital, they took advantage of the state and would like the situation to continue. And of course they don’t want to vacate their comfortable perches.

One of the instruments they successfully used and are still trying to use is their monopoly on the mass media. They want to continue to influence the state, the decision-making, to scare the political leadership and to blackmail it to make it more amenable. But I wouldn’t say that the state and the oligarchs are confronting each other dagger in hand. This is more in line with the West European tradition.

We wield a big stick, called “palitsa” in Russian, which can clinch an argument with one fell swoop. But we have not used it yet, we are simply holding it in our hands, and that has had some resonance already. But if we are provoked, we will have to use it.



Question:

In other words, if blackmail continues, the state will take the big stick in its hands?



Vladimir Putin:

The state already has it in its hands, but for now we are not swinging it. As for the challenges, they do not consist in not giving in to blackmail, but in taking the instruments of blackmail away from them, instruments to which they have no legitimate claim.



Question:

But if you use the big stick, isn’t there a danger that it would lead to a dictatorship?



Vladimir Putin:

There is always that danger. But to avoid it, to prevent the danger from becoming real and leading to a catastrophe – and I believe it would be a catastrophe if Russia reverted to totalitarian rule – to prevent that happening everyone must be equal before the law. I don’t think there are any countries where all people are absolutely equal before the law. This is simply a goal to strive for, to work towards.



Question:

What do you mean by saying that everyone should be equal before the law? Do you mean that a rich man and a poor man, a Russian and a Chechen should be equal before the law?



Vladimir Putin:

Everyone you mentioned, plus the state itself, which must be put within the limits described by the law and must have obligations to its citizens. An effective mechanism must be created for the citizen to secure redress if he thinks his rights have been violated by the state.



Question:

For the democratic process to be effective, the executive branch should operate within a system of checks and balances. But can you afford such balances under the present conditions when the state is being actively built? The press is one such balance.



Vladimir Putin:

Not only can one afford it, but also positive development would be impossible without it. The press must be free.

We haven’t invented it. Thomas Jefferson, one of the Founding Fathers of the United States, once said that absolute freedom of the press was unfreedom for everyone. The problem of the free press presents a challenge for the state. Everybody must be equal before the law, including the press. Everyone must learn to abide by the law. That is difficult. But it would be hard for us to achieve a balance without resolving that task.

Favourable economic conditions should be created for the development of the information market. And if two or three individuals, in the context of the revolutionary events in the early 1990s, amassed fortunes by hook or by crook and gained control over state-owned media under some mysterious pretexts and are using them as an instrument to preserve their position of oligarchs – is that freedom of the press? Is it in the interests of the state, society and the people?

But without creating conditions for a free press the goal of building a democratic society cannot be achieved. It is an indisputable fact which we do not challenge.



Question:

Another balance is the legislative branch, in other words, the Duma. At the time the issue of the reform of regional relations was voted on at the Duma, the Kremlin resorted to a kind of blackmail of the Duma. There is no real democratic debate, simply one branch of power is overshadowed by another.



Vladimir Putin:

I think you are simply mistaken. Who told you that the Kremlin blackmailed or brought pressure on the Duma when it voted on federation relations? In fact, these ideas were first aired in the Duma before they were conceived at the Kremlin. Parliament simply knew that the laws to change the relations between the federal government and the regions would not be passed without the support of the executive branch. But the idea was born in Parliament itself. At a certain stage we agreed with the overwhelming majority of the Duma deputies and said: “We are ready to work on the issue together with you.” But the idea was first born in Parliament rather than here at the Kremlin. And of course we had arguments with Parliament, because although we agreed that the reforms were necessary and the relations between the federal government and the regions had to be changed, we had differences with some groups of deputies over details, and of course we argued with them and tried to build our case. Of course, there were arguments, but it had nothing to do with blackmail or pressure.

On some issues the package of resolutions was aimed at strengthening the role of the federal government. But on other issues we felt that the role of regional leaders with regard to their constituent parts should even be strengthened, for example, by allowing them to dismiss the heads of municipal entities in the regions if they broke the law. We agreed, and I personally agreed, with the opinion of regional leaders and proposed the motion at the Duma. But the Duma did not support the Kremlin and the motion was not passed.

It was complicated and intense work, but the fact that it has yielded a positive result shows that society is united on cardinal issues of state development. It is a very good sign.



Question:

Speaking about relations between the state and oligarchs, it is really about making them play by the rules set by the state. But it should be done in such a way as not to scare them because otherwise they will keep their money abroad, as is the case now. How long will this situation last?



Vladimir Putin:

This is not because of the fear that the state will take the money away from them. The challenge is to get everyone to understand that there are rules in Russia which the state can enforce. These rules are universal and apply equally to all the market participants. This is one of our key tasks. And then no one will need to be persuaded to invest money here. As the investment climate improves, foreign investments will grow and the first wave should undoubtedly be the voluntary return of the capital which by various devious means ended up outside the Russian Federation.

(Turning to a correspondent). Is that an order you have there?



Answer:

It is a Legion of Honour Order.



Vladimir Putin:

How did you earn it?



Answer:

I have been a journalist for many years and, apparently, not a bad one.



Vladimir Putin:

Now, there is a link between the free press and the state. Is it not natural for the state to recognise the services of the free press? It does not mean that the state is bribing journalists.



Question:

For the state to move along a democratic path it is not enough for an initiative to come from the top; the grassroots should also be involved. Don’t you think that for the process to move in the right direction it is necessary to cut the link that exists between the state and the mafia?



Vladimir Putin:

You know that of course there are criminal communities in Russia. But there is no mafia in the traditional sense, as a criminal organisation with its own history and internal laws. There are criminal gangs, but they are easier to defeat than the traditional mafia, because the historical Mafia lives by its internal laws which help it to survive. I repeat there is no such mafia in Russia.

In the context of globalisation, crime also acquires a trans-border character. It spills over from one state to another, which is why it is important for the countries to pool their efforts in fighting organised crime.



Question:

I have read your book in which you describe how you were baptised and how your mother gave you a cross to be sanctified in Jerusalem. And at the same time you worked for the KGB. How do you square these two things? According to Western ideas there is a contradiction there.



Vladimir Putin:

All life consists of contradictions. Where contradictions end, life ends. It shows that Russia, like other parts of Europe, is not something artificial, but a country with its own history, its present and future. It shows that historical and cultural roots survive and cannot be destroyed. To use a metaphor, they are like grass in a big city which grows through the asphalt.

My mother was a believer. In the former Soviet Union it was not just unfashionable, as it is now, but it was dangerous. And she had me baptised in church, not secretly, but without publicising the matter. It is not surprising that she gave me a cross to be sanctified on the Holy Sepulchre.

We had no other state except the communist state. Every state has a set of instruments, a set of mechanisms that make it a state. One such instrument was the Foreign Intelligence Service for which I had the honour to work. It was interesting work. It did not hold me back in any way. And the fact that my mother baptised me in church when I was about a year old – I don’t even know exactly how old I was at the time – did not prevent me from discharging my duties as a foreign intelligence officer.

Let me just remind you that I was not simply a KGB agent, I worked for foreign intelligence. Having said that, in the Soviet times foreign intelligence was part of the KGB, an autonomous part, but still a part.

I must tell you that in the Soviet Union there were 19 million Communists. The worst thing we could do would be to start screening everyone politically if they were members of the Communist Party. In the Soviet Union it was impossible to be in the civil service and to pursue a career without being a member of the Communist Party. I assure you, the overwhelming majority of the 19 million had a very vague idea of the main tenets of the communist ideology, and were simply forced to be Communist Party members if they wanted to have a career.

I assure you, a decent person remains decent under the communist system and in a democratic society. And, vice versa, a dishonest person will remain dishonest in any social system.



Question:

You recently met with Alexander Solzhenitsyn. But I don’t think you agree with Solzhenitsyn when he says that Russia cannot develop further until it settles its scores with communism.



Vladimir Putin:

You are wrong. I absolutely agree with him on that. But to settle scores with communism does not mean staging purges and hounding people on the grounds that they were members of the Communist Party or worked at some paramilitary organisations connected with the Communist Party. It would be the worst mistake. It would mean sowing discord in society.

But I absolutely agree with Solzhenitsyn that every citizen should understand that the collapse of the country, the collapse of the Soviet Union, is above all the result of the prevalence of the communist ideology in politics, in state affairs and in the economy.



Question:

Mr Putin, as far as we know, you still do judo and show off your muscles posing stripped to the waist. And when you visited the Navy we saw you in a naval uniform. What are we to make of the manly image that is being projected? Is it because you want to assert yourself personally as the new Russian leader or perhaps you want to make people forget and never recall Yeltsin, or perhaps it is intended to symbolise a new democratic Russia, the future of Russia?



Vladimir Putin:

It may be an odd way to answer your question. I cannot pick any one of the versions that you have suggested.

If I do sports, including judo, I do not do it to impress anyone, but because I enjoy it. I have done it since 14 and I do not intend to stop even though I don’t have much free time. I like it.

The press has shown a very keen interest in this. I think that is good because there is an educational element there. Sport always attracts attention. If two or three people follow my example, I would be happy.

If the press writes that I don’t smoke, don’t abuse alcohol and do sports, that is a plus. It is not only a plus for me, it promotes a healthy lifestyle. As for the emphasis on my being close with the military, the reason is quite different. In the Soviet Union the significance of the military and the army and security was overemphasised, and at a certain stage, especially in the period of revolutionary transformations in the early 1990s, many were inclined to put all the blame on the people in uniforms.

And yet servicemen and officers are not to blame and have nothing to do with the problems that arose in the Soviet Union. They simply served their country to the best of their abilities, and in any case they served loyally. And they have not deserved such an attitude on the part of society. It was unfair. Moreover, such an attitude to the military aspects of the state has caused serious damage to Russia.

Today everybody understands that, unfortunately, powerful and modern armed forces are not the least important factor. And if I fly fighter planes and submerge with the submariners, I do it for several reasons.

First, I want to demonstrate my personal positive attitude to servicemen, to the Armed Forces, and thus to stress the importance of the Armed Forces and all the military elements of the state.

On the other hand, the military should realise that their activities are under strict supervision of civilians, including at the totally operational level.

And thirdly, I am, by virtue of my office, the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and I believe that I should have personal knowledge of some things which appear to me very important in terms of national security and in terms of making decisions, if I am called upon to take such decisions.



Question:

Don’t you think that in the eyes of Western public opinion and the Western media the fact that you were an intelligence agent leaves a kind of trail behind you?



Vladimir Putin:

I don’t think that is so. Some unfriendly people may take advantage of this, but I see no grounds for such opinions. Intelligence work is work with information and it is very much akin to that of journalists.

And hasn’t it happened in the history of other countries that former intelligence officers became heads of state? Why is that acceptable, and why shouldn’t it be in Russia? As far as I know even former actors became heads of state and it did not terrify people.



Question:

I understand you are referring to George Bush Senior, who was CIA Director in his time. But was he baptised?



Vladimir Putin:

I am proud to be associated with the Russian Orthodox Church. I think it is a great honour. It links me to my people, its culture, and it gives me inner calm and moral fortitude. I think it is very good.



Question:

Do you feel a nostalgia for the former imperial might of Russia?



Vladimir Putin:

No, because I believe that imperial forms of rule are short-lived and wrong, they lead to disintegration, they do not provide a solid long-term basis for the development of the state and so they are inherently wrong, short-lived and unpromising.



Question:

You are going to France six months after being elected. You visited Britain some time ago, why were you so slow in responding to the invitation to visit Paris? Is the tardiness due to the sharp criticism in France over Chechnya?



Vladimir Putin:

I accepted the invitation to visit Paris at once. But my international schedule was arranged so as to have a meeting with the EU on October 30. Paris was chosen as the venue. So we thought it would be reasonable to hold this visit close to that date.

But it may have been a blessing in disguise: this time has been used to prepare a Russian-French meeting thoroughly and to fill it with constructive proposals. This visit may well become a milestone in our relations. I am sure it will help resolve the outstanding issues in bilateral cooperation in the near term and in the medium term.

The criticism in France, especially in the media, of the counter-terrorist operation in Chechnya could not have influenced the date of the visit. The forthcoming negotiations are not just going to be talks on pleasant topics, but a discussion of issues on which we may differ. Besides, the political dialogue between Moscow and Paris is continuous and it has never stopped for a minute.



Question:

Do you have the impression that Paris now has a better understanding of the Russian policy in Chechnya?



Vladimir Putin:

I would find it easier, and I think it would be proper, to answer that question after my visit to France. But there is already a sense that the French have a deeper insight into the consequences of the spread of international terrorism and into the causes of the tough stand taken by the Russian leadership. It is not just about Chechnya. Look at what is happening in Afghanistan, in Central Asia and other regions of the world. We are talking about a global threat. Russia was among the first countries to confront it. Terrorism has acquired a transnational character and it is our duty to unite the efforts of the international community in fighting that evil.

Of course, the situation in Chechnya has changed dramatically. The military part of the anti-terrorist operation is over and the process of political settlement has started. Life is gradually coming back to normal in the republic, as the numerous representatives of various international organisations can see for themselves.



Question:

Are there still any differences between Paris and Moscow, and what are the prospects of cooperation?



Vladimir Putin:

Even if there is general agreement on key international issues, there can objectively be differences between our countries on certain problems. I think that is an absolutely normal phenomenon and I am not inclined to dramatise it. Yes, we do not always see eye-to-eye on the Chechen problem or on NATO actions in the former Yugoslavia. But it does not prevent us from thinking alike on other issues, including such fundamental issues as the maintenance of strategic stability through the preservation of the 1972 ABM Treaty, the central role of the UN, the lifting of sanctions against Iraq and the problems of Middle East settlement.

I would like to dwell on the preservation of the ABM Treaty. The UN is shortly to take a vote on the draft resolution in support of that fundamental treaty tabled by Russia and some other countries. Let me be frank: we are not seeking confrontation with anyone. Our draft is couched in the same terms as a year ago when it won the support of an impressive number of countries, including France. It reflects our common interests in preserving that document, which is critical for the maintenance of strategic stability and a continued process of strategic nuclear arms reduction. We hope that France will vote for the resolution, like it did a year ago.

We look to more intensive interaction with France on common European projects and on establishing closer partnership between Russia and the EU.

I am convinced that the coming talks in Paris will broaden the common ground between us and will help to remove the differences. Our task is to ensure a high dynamism of Russian-French relations and to bring them to a level of real partnership. Bilaterally, it is important to tap the full potential of our trade, economic and investment cooperation. The time has come for our relations to get “a second wind”.



Question:

Does Russia feel it is encircled by NATO countries, or is a junior partner cooperating with the alliance? Shouldn’t NATO have disappeared simultaneously with the disappearance of the “Red threat”?



Vladimir Putin:

Let us take your questions one by one. We want to see equal and mutually beneficial cooperation with the alliance. Our being a “junior partner” is out of the question. Only equal relations can be fruitful. Only relations based on mutual respect have future. And, by the way, such relations are useful in assessing one’s own strength.

Now about enlargement. We are opposed to NATO enlargement, but not because we are afraid of being “encircled”. In our opinion, the alliance is not coping with the main task in the Euro-Atlantic space, namely, ensuring equal security for all. In fact, it sometimes works against that purpose. Russia would rather build a system of European security in which every state, whatever military-political alliance it belongs to, enjoys equal rights and has equal duties, and the conflicts are settled in strict accordance with the UN Charter and universally accepted international legal norms.

In such a setup, it would not be closed military groups that would have the main responsibility for stability and security in Europe. But it is our firm position that determining the future of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation is up to its member states.

Russia’s objective with regard to NATO is quite different: it is to improve the quality of our relations. We should move more resolutely from exchange of opinions and information to coordinating concrete steps in areas of mutual interest.



Question:

The second Chechen war entered its second year in early October. Every week the Russian army loses about 20 men, and many observers think it is bogged down in this conflict. Do you agree?



Vladimir Putin:

One of the militants’ chieftains, Shamil Basayev, said recently that he was planning to send 150 of his gunmen to the area of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Imagine 150 top-notch experts in ambushing, mining, hostage taking and torture of prisoners. It is not the number of gunmen but the fact that they would lend a totally different character to the conflict.

If I may ask you a counter question: if we had not launched a counter-terrorist operation in the region, how many of his men would Basayev have threatened to send to the conflict area? And how far would he have gone in his plans of expansion?

To me the conclusion is obvious. The only way to pacify a criminal is to put him on trial. If terrorism is not stopped in Chechnya, tomorrow it will hold sway all over Russia and in due course it would feel like “trying its hand” outside Russia. Believe me, I am not exaggerating. You are familiar with examples of such brazen behaviour of international criminals.

I think it is clear why we consider the efforts of our soldiers and police in Chechnya as efforts in the name of life, as a barrier to still greater human casualties, especially among civilians. Unfortunately, that effort involves putting one’s life on the line.

And I would like to remind you that most of the objectives we set for them a year ago have been reached. And having solved the most complex task, I am sure we will solve all the rest.



Question:

You have described the fight against terror as your policy priority. Do you include the Taliban, who have come to power in Kabul, among terrorists? Do you support the American demands for the extradition of bin Laden? Is your attitude to the Taliban changing for the better?



Vladimir Putin:

We see the Taliban as a military political group fighting for power in Afghanistan against the legitimate government of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, which has been recognised by the UN. Like the whole international community, we have some serious questions to the Taliban in connection with their sabotage of UN resolutions on the political settlement of the internal Afghan conflict and wide-spread violations of fundamental human rights.

But of late Russia and our partners in and outside the region have been particularly concerned about international terrorism and the threat of drug trafficking, which gravely undermine overall security.

The world centre of terrorism and drug-trafficking has in fact moved to Afghanistan under the Taliban, and a dangerous bridgehead has emerged for trans-border expansion of instability. There is a growing network of camps and bases for military and sabotage training of people from the Russian North Caucasus, Central Asian and Arab states, Pakistan, China and more than a dozen other countries. Religious extremists trained in Afghanistan today fight in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, and tomorrow they may find themselves in any other part of the globe.

It is high time the world community became fully aware of the gravity of the challenges coming from Afghanistan and administered a resolute collective response. That is why we have staunchly supported the UN Security Council resolution on introducing international anti-terrorist sanctions against the Taliban and are ready to take further steps in that direction together with all the interested states.

Russia will only change its attitude to the Taliban if they unconditionally comply with the UN resolutions on the peaceful settlement of the crisis in Afghanistan and respect of human rights, especially the rights of women, if they stop supporting terrorism, religious extremism, national separatism and drug crime.



Question:

Some people believe that by artificially stoking up tensions in Chechnya and Central Asia, Russia is trying to strengthen its positions on its periphery. How would you comment on that point of view?



Vladimir Putin:

Such surmises can merely raise eyebrows – unless they are prompted by certain political goals. To act in this way is to cut off one’s nose to spite one’s face.

We believe that Russia can strengthen its positions above all by developing mutually beneficial economic partnership with its close neighbours, by contributing to joint efforts to uphold peace and stability, including a collective rebuff to international terrorism and extremism. I would like to quote the statement made by the Presidents of the CIS countries at a recent meeting in Yalta: “The deepening of multi-lateral and bilateral cooperation within the CIS is in line with the world trends at the turn of the 21st century and meets the national interests of the Commonwealth states.”



Question:

Is the reform of the Russian army a priority and what is its aim? To rebuild a world military power at the risk of ruining the country again? Or simply to ensure the defence of Russia? But if so, against whom?



Vladimir Putin:

Reform of the army is undoubtedly a Russian priority. The question about its aims is indeed a key question. A professional army is not only about modern military hardware and weapons. It is about competent and well-educated commanders. It is about soldiers who see meaning in their service and who understand what the true dignity of a country consists in. And the dignity of a democratic state depends in many ways on its ability to maintain peace for its citizens and ensure their security.

Of course, one should not forget that we have certain obligations to our allies. We extended the Collective Security Treaty in mid-October. It envisages, among other things, military assistance of member states to each other if armed aggression is launched against any of them. In addition to Russia, the treaty has been signed by Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.

Nor can one discount the fact that our arms control initiatives do not always meet with the understanding of our partners. It is no secret that world arms trade continues to grow.

In this context, maintaining Russia’s defence capability at a level of minimum sufficiency, and pursuing corresponding research and development is the prime duty of the Russian leadership. And this is the aim of the reform of the Russian army. Its task is to optimise the structure, reduce the number of units and troop strength of every element of the military organisation, coordinate the tasks of the army and security agencies in ensuring the defence and security of the country. I would like to stress that the resources thus released are used to improve the material and technical conditions and social security of servicemen.

And finally, we keep in mind the restrictions imposed by our budget. The Russian army will always perform the tasks set before it by society, and not vice versa.

As for your question against whom should Russia defend itself, my answer is very simple: against surprises. This, I think, is the aim of the defence policies pursued by the US, France and other states. The more predictable and fair the international order, the less will the states have to spend on their security.



Question:

Do you give priority to strategic forces, as does your Defence Minister, or do you take the side of your Chief of Staff, who says that land forces are more important for maintaining security?



Vladimir Putin:

I hope you are not asking me about my personal likes and dislikes, which would be irrelevant. In fact, your question is about priorities. And it has practically been answered: Russia must preserve its strategic potential at the level of reasonable sufficiency and it should make its land forces more competent and mobile. Our specialists are working on the most effective plans of such transformation.

Of course, it is not an either-or situation: either strategic forces or land forces. They have different tasks, but both are equally essential for the country’s security. The challenge lies elsewhere: we are building a balanced and effective structure of the armed forces. We are identifying priorities, concrete tasks and threats to national security. Russia cannot afford to spread the defence budget thin. It is not that big anyway.



Question:

Do you want to build a pure market economy or do you seek to combine the market with a strong regulatory function of the state, like in Western Europe after the war?



Vladimir Putin:

Our aim is to build an effective economic system that will match the development level of the leading industrialised countries. We try to free the economy from bureaucratic and administrative barriers and guarantee an equal competitive environment.

Today we are tackling many of the same tasks that faced the West European countries in the post-war period. Above all, we are talking about a substantial modernisation of the economy. A number of countries have gone through an accelerated modernisation period. They include Germany after the war, South Korea and South-East Asian countries. Their experience attests that modernisation aimed at catching up with other countries calls for active state interference in the economy. Above all it should create conditions to attract investment and accelerate the development of spearhead sectors and industries, and implement an active industrial policy.

Russia has yet to determine the optimal degree of state participation in the economy. In some market segments its presence is excessive, and in others it is obviously insufficient. The state must take part in economic life, but not as an omnipotent supervisor, but as the guarantor of the rule of law, equal treatment of all the economic agents and of the common economic space in the country. All this is a constant concern of the Government.



Question:

For private entrepreneurs Russian legislation is a mind-boggling collection of rules. Because entering into contracts is one of the basic human rights, don’t you think it is necessary to streamline these procedures to attract foreign investment? Or do you hope that the Russians can ensure Russia’s economic recovery themselves?



Vladimir Putin:

I wouldn’t agree with you that entrepreneurs are unable to pick their way through Russian legislation. Russian and foreign businessmen have been very skilfully taking advantage of its drawbacks and loopholes.

Our key task is to bring about a cardinal improvement in Russia’s investment climate. To solve it, we are going to improve the legislation on the interaction and relations of shareholders inside a joint stock company. Above all, we will introduce amendments to the Law On Joint Stock Companies. These changes should offer greater protection of the rights of shareholders and give them a bigger say in managing the joint stock company.

It is necessary to develop the legislation on the protection of intellectual property. That is particularly important for attracting investment in the hi-tech sectors. The system of registration of real estate and securities transactions should be improved. That will make the system of registration of property rights more reliable and protect the rights of good-faith buyers.

It is a duty of the state to provide the most favourable conditions possible for business and set clear rules. That means simplifying the procedure of approvals of investment documentation by introducing the “one-stop” principle. It calls for reducing the number of activities subject to licensing and a uniform licensing procedure throughout the country. And of course, it calls for an improvement of the taxation system.

We should rely above all on our own potential, supporting the domestic producer and creating an equal playing field for all. But Russia is becoming more and more integrated into the world economy and, accordingly, takes an active part in international capital markets. This lends a strategic character to the issue of providing safe conditions for the inflow of foreign investments.

The problem of protecting the rights of foreign investors in Russia is within the purview of the Government, its Chairman and the President of Russia. The Foreign Investment Advisory Council, headed by the Prime Minister, regularly discusses the problems of foreign investors. Within the Council, foreign investors constantly voice their grievances and proposals to improve the mechanism of attracting foreign investment to Russia. Most of them translate themselves into regulatory acts.



Question:

Do you see foreign investors as partners Russia needs for its development? If so, how to persuade the public opinion in your country that they are not “exploiters” who have come to plunder it?



Vladimir Putin:

Of course, we see foreign investors as partners. “Exploiters” is a long outdated propaganda cliche.

I would like to note that by now the necessary public consensus has been reached on fundamental issues of the country’s economic development. So there is no need to explain to society the benefits of cooperation with foreign investors. Rather, it is the question of an adequate reaction inside the country to infringements on the interests of Russian exporters to the world markets by certain countries with regard to certain categories of goods.



Question:

How do you assess the recent events in Yugoslavia and the overall prospects for the situation in the region?



Vladimir Putin:

Yugoslavia is at a turning point. The process of democratic transformations gives hope that stability will come to the country. The new Yugoslavian President faces formidable challenges. They include internal political reforms in Serbia, restoration of civil peace in the country and consolidation of society, normalisation of relations with Montenegro within the federation and working out a position on the Kosovo problem. Taking the country out of a prolonged period of international political and economic isolation is a major task. We are glad to see some positive shifts in the position of our G8 partners. The Western countries are lifting the financial and economic sanctions introduced against Yugoslavia.

At present, Yugoslavia needs an active support of the international community. We must help it to rebuild the economy, reintegrate it into international organisations and the system of European cooperation. As for the former aspect, particular responsibility devolves on NATO countries to make good the material damage inflicted on Yugoslavia during the military operation in 1999. For our part we have rendered and will continue to render as much economic aid to the people of Yugoslavia as we can.

The question of the full membership of Yugoslavia in the United Nations, resumption of its work in the OSCE and accession to the mechanism of the Stability Pact for South-East Europe takes on particular significance.

And of course, the main condition of Yugoslavian settlement remains its sovereignty and territorial integrity. That is the key task for stabilising the situation in the region in the long term.

The Russian-French political dialogue – on every aspect of the situation in Yugoslavia and in the Balkans as a whole – is frank and intensive. Russian and French views are very close on many points. That provides good prerequisites for still more effective coordination of our further actions in this area.



Question:

What are the implications for the future of our planet of the fact that the US, effectively the sole superpower, is exercising world hegemony, although without fighting wars?



Vladimir Putin:

Our position on that is perfectly clear. The new world order means stable and peaceful development without crises and upheavals. To this end it is necessary to form a multi-polar, if you like, “non-monopolised,” system of international relations. A system that accommodates all the diversity of the world and ensures diversity and the balance of interests. Such a world order should be based on collective solution of key problems, supremacy of the law and sweeping democratisation of international relations. That is an objective and natural reflection of the processes connected with the growing inter-dependence of states, globalisation and emerging new challenges and threats to international security. Any other approaches based on anyone’s hegemony contradict these realities. They are dangerous and counter-productive. No country, however important, can solve all the world problems single-handed.

We seek to build our relations with the Untied States proceeding from this vision. What we value is mutual assistance, equality and balance of interests.



Question:

What can you say about Russia’s relations with China and Japan?



Vladimir Putin:

The relations with China is a very important aspect of our foreign policy in its own right. I consider the long-term strategic partnership established between Moscow and Beijing back in 1996 to be a great achievement of our two countries.

Today, we are working vigorously on the Treaty on Good-Neighbourly Relations, Friendship and Cooperation as a new legal basis for Russian-Chinese relations. At government level, we are promoting a number of strategically important economic and technological cooperation projects. Finally, we are closely coordinating our actions on global issues of the world order and key regional problems.

The relations between Russia and Japan have emerged as a new and important factor of international politics.

We are united in our concept of what is most important in the modern world. Namely a world order that relies on the central role of the UN in compliance with international law and the principle of non-interference in internal affairs. Japan is an authoritative and responsible power whose role and influence in world affairs are constantly growing. We welcome that process. And of course we value the fact that Japan approaches Russia from a similar position.

These are the underlying reasons for the strategic and geopolitical rapprochement between Russia and Japan that we have witnessed in recent years. I paid an official visit to Japan in September. During that visit we agreed that relations between our countries have never experienced such an upsurge as now. We determined real paths towards partnership, including through the signing at the summit level of such conceptual documents as the joint declaration on interaction between Russia and Japan in international affairs and the programme of deepening trade and economic cooperation. We also signed a package of other agreements on cooperation in various spheres.

I am sure that given the upsurge in the relations between Russia and Japan, we will be able to achieve a mutually acceptable solution of what is in fact the only outstanding problem between us: the signing of a peace treaty, including the border delimitation aspect. Especially since both sides have pledged to seek such a solution.



Question:

Do you believe that reunification of the North and South Koreas is inevitable?



Vladimir Putin:

What is important for Russia is that harmony and peaceful cooperation should prevail on the Korean Peninsula. We have recently done a good deal towards that end. In fact, we have helped North Korea to break out of its isolation, which enabled it to establish a dialogue with those whom until recently it considered to be bitter enemies. These processes are bringing early fruits, I mean the start of reconciliation between North and South and rapid progress in the KDPR’s relations with the US and Japan.

As for the issue of reunification of Korea, it should take place through the efforts of the Korean people with due account of the interests of the two Korean states. We unreservedly support this prospect because it fully meets not only the interests of the Korean nation, of regional and world security, but also the national interests of Russia.



Question:

How do you see the future of the peace process between Israel and Palestine?



Vladimir Putin:

The current crisis, one has to admit, has dealt a serious blow to the Middle East settlement and has thrown it back. However, it is clear that there is no reasonable alternative to the peace process. It is the only realistic way towards a comprehensive peace and durable security in the region on the basis of the UN Security Council Resolutions 242, 338 and 425. In this context resumption of the Palestinian-Israeli dialogue is a pressing task.

At the same time one should derive a serious lesson from the current tragic events. We should all ponder the causes of the major failures in Arab-Israeli settlement and think about ways to make this process stable and irreversible. It is already evident that international assistance to the negotiating process should be collective and far better coordinated.

As a co-sponsor, Russia will continue to do all it can to promote peace in the Middle East on all the tracks – the Palestinian, Syrian and Lebanese.



Question:

Do you believe that at present militant Islamism is the biggest threat both for Russia and for the West?



Vladimir Putin:

Radicals, whatever garb they don, are creating a lot of problems by their subversive actions all over the world and are undermining international security and stability.

There is growing intolerance of terrorism and extremism everywhere, including in Muslim countries. Their leaders unequivocally condemn extremists who cast a shadow on the genuine ideals of Islam.

It calls for the efforts of the whole international community to fight terrorism.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/21634
 
Old October 8th, 2016 #100
Alex Him
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Statement for the Press Following the Russia-EU Summit



October 30, 2000 - 00:01 - Paris





Vladimir Putin:

Allow me first of all to thank sincerely the leadership of France and its President, Jacques Chirac, for the hospitality extended to the Russian delegation in Paris.

We have had a very constructive discussion with President Chirac, Chairman Prodi and Secretary-General Solana. Such meetings as this one in Paris are the political peak of dialogue between Russia and the European Union, a dialogue that is going on all the time. This is the point I wish to stress particularly.

At this meeting we discussed, or at any rate tried to discuss, new incentives for the development of relations between Russia and the European Union. It seems to me we have succeeded in that. We have succeeded because this was the first time we openly talked about the security policy now taking shape in Europe. We have agreed that contacts between Russia and the European Union in this field should be absolutely open and transparent, free of any hint of suspicion. We stressed that our relations in that sphere were not directed at destroying any existing alliances, but aimed to stabilise the process of security, to preserve international peace, including European security. I think highly of the fact that President Chirac demonstrated his firm political will to develop the European Union’s relations with Russia all along the line, including and perhaps above all in the economy and environmental security.

We also took note of new avenues opening up in high technologies and in aerospace cooperation. I want to tell you that tomorrow there is going to be a scheduled launch of a spacecraft carrying three cosmonauts who are to make up the crew of the new international space station. The station is becoming habitable. Of the three men, two are Russian and one is an American. A visit to the station by a French astronaut is also on the agenda, and we expect it to be made by means of a Russian Soyuz rocket.

We then spoke of the need for energy cooperation and opportunities it opened up, and not only in oil and gas, but also in electricity supplies. That will, of course, require certain efforts on Russia’s part to streamline its legislation concerning guarantees for all European investments in its economy. But Russia is ready to make a contribution to Europe’s long-term energy security.

We are ready to discuss with our colleagues the issues of European security and the situation taking shape in Europe’s problem areas, such as the Balkans. We informed our colleagues of the processes underway in the North Caucasus, took note of Europe’s concerns, and believe that both President Chirac and the European Union have adopted a position that is the only correct one in the sense that a final solution of complex inter-ethnic and inter-regional problems, including those in the North Caucasus, cannot be found other than through political means.





The source of information - http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/21644
 
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