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Old August 21st, 2018 #1
ColdFire
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Default Let's face it . . the NWO has been behind virtually every destructive movement ( especially in the 20th century )



Really . .

I mean they poisoned the music industry . .

They made the youth rebellious . .

They endorsed feminism ( which isn't really about 'liberating' females just as Communism isn't about 'liberating the working class' but merely about using them . . .)

They endorsed multiculti . . .

They were behind the communist expansion worldwide . .

Is there anything they won't do to bring the West down ?

They are even out 'hunting Nazis' ( even elderly people in their 90s ) to give them prey to a horrible fate . . .

They are all around us . .


Our movement is often critisized for 'scapegoating'. . .

Well . .

The West was once a proud entity . .

Children obeyed their parents and were raised with some kind of pride. .

Do you think any of the above depravities would have come through without influence ?


Who is subverting us ?

Us ?


These guys ?


Or . .


?

Think about it . .

Think hard and deep . . .

Take a look at the 20th century. .

 
Old July 29th, 2019 #2
Jack Dillenburger
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...one should copy that picture and distribute it as a flyer.
 
Old July 30th, 2019 #3
ColdFire
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...one should copy that picture and distribute it as a flyer.
… good idea

 
Old July 30th, 2019 #4
Alex Him
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May I get information from what work of Lenin was this quotation taken?
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Old July 30th, 2019 #5
ColdFire
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May I get information from what work of Lenin was this quotation taken?
It is from a pamphlet called 'Communist Rules For Revolution' , discovered by allied forces in 1919 in Düsseldorf , Germany after World War 1.

The text also found its way to the U.S.A.
 
Old July 30th, 2019 #6
Alex Him
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It is from a pamphlet called 'Communist Rules For Revolution' , discovered by allied forces in 1919 in Düsseldorf , Germany after World War 1.

The text also found its way to the U.S.A.
That is, in other words, it is the anti-communist fake publication created in capitalist countries.
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Where should they dig the Very Deep Pit?
Piglet said that the best place would be somewhere where a Heffalump was, just before he fell into it, only about a foot farther on.
(c) Alan Alexander Miln
 
Old July 30th, 2019 #7
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That is, in other words, it is the anti-communist fake publication created in capitalist countries.
. . what leads you to think that ?

The plan outlined does apply. .

Probably in a way not even the authors of the infamous "Protocols" could ever contrive . . https://vnnforum.com/showthread.php?t=551510
 
Old July 30th, 2019 #8
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. . what leads you to think that ?
Because Lenin did not think in such idiotic-marasmic categories as in your picture.



Read his Letters From Afar:

1) The First Stage of the First Revolution

Probably you will read this fragment with interest:

"But while the defeats early in the war were a negative factor that precipitated the upheaval, the connection between Anglo-French finance capital, Anglo-French imperialism, and Russian Octobrist-Cadet capital was a factor that hastened this crisis by the direct organisation of a plot against Nicholas Romanov.

This highly important aspect of the situation is, for obvious reasons, hushed up by the Anglo-French press and maliciously emphasised by the German. We Marxists must soberly face the truth and not allow ourselves to be confused either by the lies, the official sugary diplomatic and ministerial lies, of the first group of imperialist belligerents, or by the sniggering and smirking of their financial and military rivals of the other belligerent group. The whole course of events in the February-March Revolution clearly shows that the British and French embassies, with their agents and “connections”, who had long been making the most desperate efforts to prevent “separate” agreements and a separate peace between Nicholas II (and last, we hope, and we will endeavour to make him that) and Wilhelm II, directly organised a plot in conjunction with the Octobrists and Cadets, in conjunction with a section of the generals and army and St. Petersburg garrison officers, with the express object of deposing Nicholas Romanov."

2) The New Government and the Proletariat

3) Concerning a Proletarian Militia

"If we want to be Marxists and learn from the experience of revolution in the whole world, we must strive to under stand in what, precisely, lies the peculiarity of this transitional moment, and what tactics follow from its objective specific features.

The peculiarity of the situation lies in that the Guchkov Milyukov government gained the first victory with extraordinary ease due to the following three major circumstances: (1) assistance from Anglo-French finance capital and its agents; (2) assistance from part of the top ranks of the army; (3) the already existing organisation of the entire Russian bourgeoisie in the shape of the rural and urban local government institutions, the State Duma, the war industries committees, and so forth.

The Guchkov government is held in a vise: bound by the interests of capital, it is compelled to strive to continue the predatory, robber war, to protect the monstrous profits of capital and the landlords, to restore the monarchy. Bound by its revolutionary origin and by the need for an abrupt change from tsarism to democracy, pressed by the bread-hungry and peace-hungry masses, the government is compelled to lie, to wriggle, to play for time, to “proclaim” and promise (promises are the only things that are very cheap even at a time of madly rocketing prices) as much as possible and do as little as possible, to make concessions with one hand and to withdraw them with the other."


"Organisation is the slogan of the moment. But to confine oneself to that is to say nothing, for, on the one hand, organisation is always needed; hence, mere reference to the necessity of “organising the masses” explains absolutely nothing. On the other hand, he who confines himself solely to this becomes an abettor of the liberals, for the very thing the liberals want in order to strengthen their rule is that the workers should not go beyond their ordinary “legal” (from the standpoint of “normal” bourgeois society) organisations, i. e., that they should only join their party, their trade union, their co-operative society, etc., etc.

Guided by their class instinct, the workers have realised that in revolutionary times they need not only ordinary, but an entirely different organisation. They have rightly taken the path indicated by the experience of our 1905 Revolution and of the 1871 Paris Commune; they have set up a Soviet of Workers’ Deputies; they have begun to develop, expand and strengthen it by drawing in soldiers’ deputies, and, undoubtedly, deputies from rural wage-workers, and then (in one form or another) from the entire peasant poor.

The prime and most important task, and one that brooks no delay, is to set up organisations of this kind in all parts of Russia without exception, for all trades and strata of the proletarian and semi-proletarian population without exception, i. e., for all the working and exploited people, to use a less economically exact but more popular term."


"Before February 1917, the immediate task was to conduct bold revolutionary-internationalist propaganda, summon the masses to fight, rouse them. The February–March days required the heroism of devoted struggle to crush the immediate enemy—tsarism. Now we are in transition from that first stage of the revolution to the second, from “coming to grips” with tsarism to “coming to grips” with Guchkov-Milyukov landlord and capitalist imperialism. The immediate task is organisation, not only in the stereotyped sense of working to form stereo typed organisations, but in the sense of drawing unprecedentedly broad masses of the oppressed classes into an organisation that would take over the military, political and economic functions of the state."

4) How To Achieve Peace

"The tsarist government began and waged the present war as an imperialist, predatory war to rob and strangle weak nations. The government of the Guchkovs and Milyukovs, which is a landlord and capitalist government, is forced to continue, and wants to continue, this very same kind of war. To urge that government to conclude a democratic peace is like preaching virtue to brothel keepers.

Let me explain what is meant.

What is imperialism?

In my Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, the manuscript of which was delivered to the Parus Publishers some time before the revolution, was accepted by them and announced in the magazine Letopis,[3] I answered this question as follows:

“Imperialism is capitalism at that stage of development at which the dominance of monopolies and finance capital is established; in which the export of capital has acquired pronounced importance; in which the division of the world among the international trusts has begun; in which the division of all territories of the globe among the biggest capitalist powers has been completed” (Chapter VII of the above-mentioned book, the publication of which was announced in Letopis, when the censorship still existed, under the title: “Modern Capitalism”, by V. Ilyin).

The whole thing hinges on the fact that capital has grown to huge dimensions. Associations of a small number of the biggest capitalists (cartels, syndicates, trusts) manipulate billions and divide the whole world among themselves. The world has been completely divided up. The war was brought on by the clash of the two most powerful groups of multimillionaires, Anglo-French and German, for the redivision of the world.

The Anglo-French group of capitalists wants first to rob Germany, deprive her of her colonies (nearly all of which have already been seized), and then to rob Turkey.

The German group of capitalists wants to seize Turkey for itself and to compensate itself for the loss of its colonies by seizing neighbouring small states (Belgium, Serbia, Rumania).

This is the real truth; it is being concealed by all sorts of bourgeois lies about a “liberating”, “national” war, a “war for right and justice”, and similar jingle with which the capitalists always fool the common people.

Russia is waging this war with foreign money. Russian capital is a partner of Anglo-French capital. Russia is waging the war in order to rob Armenia, Turkey, Galicia."

5) The Tasks Involved in the Building of the Revolutionary Proletarian State

"In the preceding letters, the immediate tasks of the revolutionary proletariat in Russia were formulated as follows: (1) to find the surest road to the next stage of the revolution, or to the second revolution, which (2) must transfer political power from the government of the land lords and capitalists (the Guchkovs, Lvovs, Milyukovs, Kerenskys) to a government of the workers and poorest peasants. (3) This latter government must be organised on the model of the Soviets of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, namely, (4) it must smash, completely eliminate, the old state machine, the army, the police force and bureaucracy (officialdom), that is common to all bourgeois states, and substitute for this machine (5) not only a mass organisation, but a universal organisation of the entire armed people. (6) Only such a government, of “such” a class composition (“revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry”) and such organs or government (“proletarian militia”) will be capable of successfully carrying out the extremely difficult and absolutely urgent chief task of the moment, namely: to achieve peace, not an imperialist peace, not a deal between the imperialist powers concerning the division of the booty by the capitalists and their governments, but a really lasting and democratic peace, which cannot be achieved without a proletarian revolution in a number of countries. (7) In Russia the victory of the proletariat can be achieved in the very near future only if, from the very first step, the workers are supported by the vast majority of the peasants fighting for the confiscation of the landed estates (and for the nationalisation of all the land, if we assume that the agrarian programme of the “104” is still essentially the agrarian programme of the peasantry[2]). (8) In connection with such a peasant revolution, and on its basis, the proletariat can and must, in alliance with the poorest section of the peasantry, take further steps towards control of the production and distribution of the basic products, towards the introduction of “universal labour service”, etc. These steps are dictated, with absolute inevitability, by the conditions created by the war, which in many respects will become still more acute in the post-war period. In their entirety and in their development these steps will mark the transition to socialism, which cannot be achieved in Russia directly, at one stroke, without transitional measures, but is quite achievable and urgently necessary as a result of such transitional measures. (9) In this connection, the task of immediately organising special Soviets of Workers’ Deputies in the rural districts, i.e., Soviets of agricultural wage-workers separate from the Soviets of the other peasant deputies, comes to the fore front with extreme urgency.

Such, briefly, is the programme we have outlined, based on an appraisal of the class forces in the Russian and world revolution, and also on the experience of 1871 and 1905."





The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution:

1) THE CLASS CHARACTER OF THE REVOLUTLON THAT HAS TAKEN PLACE

2) THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT

3) THE PECULIAR NATURE OF THE DUAL POWER AND ITS CLASS SIGNIFICANCE

"The second highly important feature of the Russian revolution is the fact that the Petrograd Soviet of Soldiers’ and Workers’ Deputies, which, as everything goes to show, enjoys the confidence of most of the local Soviets, is voluntarilytransferring state power to the bourgeoisie and itsProvisional Government, is voluntarily cedingsupremacy to the latter, having entered into an agreement to support it, and is limiting its own role to that of an observer, a supervisor of the convocation of the Constituent Assembly (the date for which has not even been announced as yet by the Provisional Government).

This remarkable feature, unparalleled in history in such a form, has led to the interlocking of twodictatorships: the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie (for the government of Lvov and Co. is a dictatorship, i.e., a power based not on the law, not on the previously expressed will of the people, but on seizure by force, accomplished by a definite class, namely, the bourgeoisie) and the dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry (the Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies).

There is not the slightest doubt that such an “interlocking” cannot last long. Two powers cannot existin a state. One of them is bound to pass away; and the entire Russian bourgeoisie is already trying its hardest everywhere and in every way to keep out and weaken the Soviets, to reduce them to nought, and to establish the undivided power of the bourgeoisie."

4) THE PECULIAR NATURE OF THE TACTICS WHICH FOLLOW FROM THE ABOVE

"This peculiarity of the situation calls, in the first place, for the “pouring of vinegar and bile into the sweet water of revolutionary-democratic phraseology” (as my fellow member on the Central Committee of our Party, Teodorovich, so aptly put it at yesterday’s session of the All-Russia Congress of Railwaymen in Petrograd). Our work must be one of criticism, of explainingthe mistakes of the petty-bourgeois Socialist-Revolutionary and Social-Democratic parties, of preparing and welding the elements of a consciouslyproletarian, Communist Party, and of curingthe proletariat of the “general” petty-bourgeois intoxication.

This seemsto be “nothing more” than propaganda work, but in reality it is most practical revolutionarywork; for there is no advancing a revolution that has come to a standstill, that has choked itself with phrases, and that keeps “marking time”, not because of external obstacles, not because of the violence of the bourgeoisie (Guchkov is still only threatening to employ violence against the soldier mass), but becauseof the unreasoning trust of the people.

Only by overcoming this unreasoning trust (and we can and should overcome it only ideologically, by comradely persuasion, by pointing to the lessons of experience ) can we set ourselves free from the prevailing orgy of revolutionary phrase-mongeringand really stimulate the consciousness both of the proletariat and of the mass in general, as well as their bold and determined initiative in the localities– the independent realisation, development and consolidation of liberties, democracy, and the principle of people’s ownership of all the land.

8. The world-wide experience of bourgeois and landowner governments has evolved twomethods of keeping the people in subjection. The first is violence. Nicholas Romanov I, nicknamed Nicholas of the Big Stick, and Nicholas II, the Bloody, demonstrated to the Russian people the maximum of what can and cannot he done in the way of these hangmen’s practices. But there is another method, best developed by the British and French bourgeoisie, who “learned their lesson” in a series of great revolutions and revolutionary movements of the masses. It is the method of deception, flattery, fine phrases, promises by the million, petty sops, and concessions of the unessential while retaining the essential."

5) REVOLUTIONARY DEFENCISM AND ITS CLASS SIGNIFICANCE

"What is required of us is the abilityto explain to the masses that the social and political character of the war is determined not by the “good will” of individuals or groups, or even of nations, but by the position of the classwhich conducts the war, by the class policyof which the war is a continuation, by the tiesof capital, which is the dominant economic force in modern society, by the imperialist characterof international capital, by Russia’s dependence in finance, banking and diplomacy upon Britain, France, and so on."

6) HOW CAN THE WAR BE ENDED?

"The war is not a product of the evil will of rapacious capitalists, although it is undoubtedly being fought onlyin their interests and they alone are being enriched by it. The war is a product of half a century of development of world capitalism and of its billions of threads and connections. It is impossibleto slip out of the imperialist war and achieve a democratic, non-coercive peace without overthrowing the power of capital and transferring state power to anotherclass, the proletariat."

7) A NEW TYPE OF STATE EMERGING FROM OUR REVOLUTION

8) THE AGRARIAN AND NATIONAL PROGRAMMES

9) NATIONALISATION OF THE BANKS AND CAPITALIST SYNDICATES

10) THE SITUATION WITHIN THE SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL

11) THE COLLAPSE OF THE ZIMMERWALD INTERNATIONAL.— THE NEED FOR FOUNDING A THIRD INTERNATIONAL

12) WHAT SHOULD BE THE NAME OF OUR PARTY—ONE THAT WILL BE CORRECT SCIENTIFICALLY AND HELP TO CLARIFY THE MIND OF THE PROLETARIAT POLITICALLY?

"19. I now come to the final point, the name of our Party. We must call ourselves the Communist Party—just as Marx and Engels called themselves.

We must repeat that we are Marxists and that we take as our basis the Communist Manifesto, which has been distorted and betrayed by the Social-Democrats on its two main points: (1) the working men have no country: “defence of the fatherland” in an imperialist war is a betrayal of socialism; and (2) the Marxist doctrine of the state has been distorted by the Second International.

The name “Social-Democracy” is scientifically incorrect, as Marx frequently pointed out, in particular, in the Critique of the Gotha Programme in 1875, and as Engels re-affirmed in a more popular form in 1894[Engels, Preface to Internationales aus dem Velkstaat (1871-1875)].[1] From capitalism mankind can pass directly only to socialism, i.e., to the social ownership of the means of production and the distribution of products according to the amount of work performed by each individual. Our Party looks farther ahead: socialism must inevitably evolve gradually into communism, upon the banner of which is inscribed the motto, “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs”.

That is my first argument.

Here is the second: the second part of the name of our Party (Social-Democrats) is also scientifically incorrect. Democracy is a form of state, whereas we Marxists are opposed to every kind of state.

The leaders of the Second International (1889-1914), Plekhanov, Kautsky and their like, have vulgarised and distorted Marxism.

Marxism differs from anarchism in that it recognises the need for a state for the purpose of the transition to socialism; but (and here is where we differ from Kautsky and Co.) not a state of the type of the usual parliamentary bourgeois-democratic republic, but a state like the Paris Commune of 1871 and the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies of 1905 and 1917.

My third argument: living reality, the revolution, has already actually established in our colmtry, albeit in a weak and embryonic form, precisely this new type of “state”, which is not a state in the proper sense of the word.

This is already a matter of the practical action of the people, and not merely a theory of the leaders.

The state in the proper sense of the term is domination over the people by contingents of armed men divorced from the people.

Our emergent, new state is also a state, for we too need contingents of armed men, we too need the strictest order, and must ruthlessly crush by force all attempts at either a tsarist or a Guchkov-bourgeois counter-revolution.

But our emergent, new state is no longer a state in the proper sense of the term, for in some parts of Russia these contingents of armed men are the masses themselves, the entire people, and not certain privileged persons placed over the people, and divorced from the people, and for all practical purposes undisplaceable.

We must look forward, and not backward to the usual bourgeois type of democracy, which consolidated the rule of the bourgeoisie with the aid of tho old, monarchist organs of administration, the police, the army and the bureaucracy.

We must look forward to the emergent new democracy, which is already ceasing to be a democracy, for democracy means the domination of the people, and the armed people cannot dominate themselves.

The term democracy is not only scientifically incorrect when applied to a Communist Party; it has now, since March 1917, simply become blinders put on the eyes of the revolutionary people and preventing them from boldly and freely, on their own initiative, building up the new: the Soviets of Workers’, Peasants’, and all other Deputies, as the sole power in the “state” and as the harbinger of the “withering away” of the state in every form.

My fourth argument: we must reckon with the actual situation in which socialism finds itself internationally.

It is not what it was during the years 1871 to 1914, when Marx and Engels knowingly put up with the inaccurate, opportunist term “Social-Democracy”. For in those days, after the defeat of the Paris Commune, history made slow organisational and educational work the task of the day. Nothing else was possible. The anarchists were then (as they are now) fundamentally wrong not only theoretically, but also economically and politically. The anarchists misjudged the character of the times, for they failed to understand the world situation: the worker of Britain corrupted by imperialist profits, the Commune defeated in Paris, the recent (1871) triumph of the bourgeois national movement in Germany, the age-long sleep of semi-feudal Russia.

Marx and Engels gauged the times accurately; they understood the international situation; they understood that the approach to the beginning of the social revolution must be slow.

We, in our turn, must also understand the specific features and tasks of the new era. Let us not imitate those sorry Marxists of whom Marx said: “I have sown dragon’s teeth and harvested fleas.”[2]

The objective inevitability of capitalism which grew into imperialism brought about the imperialist war. The war has brought mankind to the brink of a precipice, to the brink of the destruction of civilisation, of the brutalisation and destruction of more millions, countless millions, of human beings.

The only way out is through a proletarian revolution.

At the very moment when such a revolution is beginning, when it is taking its first hesitant, groping steps, steps betraying too great a confidence in the bourgeoisie, at such a moment the majority (that is the truth, that is a fact) of the “Social-Democratic” leaders, of the “Social-Democratic” parliamentarians, of the “Social-Democratic” newspapers—and these are precisely the organs that influence the people—have deserted socialism, have betrayed socialism and have gone over to the side of “their own” national bourgeoisie.

The people have been confused, led astray and deceived by these leaders.

And we shall aid and abet that deception if we retain the old and out-of-date Party name, which is as decayed as the Second International!

Granted that “many” workers understand Social-Democracy in an honest way; but it is time to learn how to distinguish the subjective from the objective.

Subjectively, such Social-Democratic workers are most loyal leaders of the proletarians.

Objectively, however, the world situation is such that the old name of our Party makes it easier to fool the people and impedes the onward march; for at every step, in every paper, in every parliamentary group, the masses see leaders, i.e., people whose voices carry farthest and whose actions are most conspicuous; yet they are all “would-be Social-Democrats”, they are all “for unity” with the betrayers of socialism, with the social-chauvinists; and they are all presenting for payment the old bills issued by “Social-Democracy”. . . .

And what are the arguments against? . . . We’ll be confused with the Anarchist-Communists, they say. . . .

Why are we not afraid of being confused with the Social-Nationalists, the Social-Liberals, or the Radical-Socialists, the foremost bourgeois party in the French Republic and the most adroit in the bourgeois deception of the people? . . . We are told: The people are used to it, the workers have come to “love” their Social-Democratic Party.

That is the only argument. But it is an argument that dismisses the science of Marxism, the tasks of the morrow in the revolution, the objective position of world socialism, the shameful collapse of the Second International, and the harm done to the practical cause by the packs of “would-be Social-Democrats” who surround the proletarians.

It is an argument of routinism, an argument of inertia, an argument of stagnation.

But we are out to rebuild the world. We are out to put an end to the imperialist world war into which hundreds of millions of people have been drawn and in which the interests of billions and billions of capital are involved, a war which cannot end in a truly democratic peace without the greatest proletarian revolution in the history of mankind.

Yet we are afraid of our own selves. We are loth to cast off the “dear old” soiled shirt. . . .

But it is time to cast off the soiled shirt and to put on clean linen."

13) POSTSCRIPT



And these are just two examples of dozens of volumes of his works.
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Where should they dig the Very Deep Pit?
Piglet said that the best place would be somewhere where a Heffalump was, just before he fell into it, only about a foot farther on.
(c) Alan Alexander Miln
 
Old July 30th, 2019 #9
ColdFire
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@ Alex

I do not wish to get into a debate with you about Communism again ( NOT because I do not like you but because these debates in the past really have gone nowhere . . do you understand what I'm saying ? ) , BUT . .


Most people in the anti-NWO crowd are aware that Lenin . . .
a ) was an NWO-functionary

b ) that Lenin had , in a way ,'two faces' . .

. . on one hand he tried to appear as a 'hero of the people'.


. . on the other hand he was an NWO-functionary and bloodthirsty . .





. . i. e. he had 'two sides'.

Which one do you believe ?


 
Old July 30th, 2019 #10
Mike in Denver
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That is, in other words, it is the anti-communist fake publication created in capitalist countries.
I got about half way through this "pamphlet" and knew it was a fraud. It is far too specific and modern, and it doesn't read like Lenin.

Go read "What is to be done" : https://www.marxists.org/archive/len...ks/1901/witbd/

I did some web searches on the pamphlet above and it was never seen until about 1946, not 1919. Almost certainly from pentecostal christian sources. A bunch of other junk came out about the same time. One was a supposed prophesy that George Washington got in a vision about invasions of America and Europe from communists. This one had a history of being found in the mid 1800s, but was fabricated, like the pamphlet above in the 1940s. There is a bunch of stuff like this.

Mike
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Old July 31st, 2019 #11
Alex Him
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I do not wish to get into a debate with you about Communism again
I understand. I am silent.
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Where should they dig the Very Deep Pit?
Piglet said that the best place would be somewhere where a Heffalump was, just before he fell into it, only about a foot farther on.
(c) Alan Alexander Miln
 
Old July 31st, 2019 #12
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I got about half way through this "pamphlet" and knew it was a fraud. It is far too specific and modern, and it doesn't read like Lenin.
You're right. The difference between what is in the picture and all that remains of Lenin's work (and a lot of it remains - speeches, letters, telegrams, interviews, articles, etc.) is very big.



Quote:
I did some web searches on the pamphlet above and it was never seen until about 1946, not 1919. Almost certainly from pentecostal christian sources.
As far as I understand, even in the United States, the investigation was carried out several times regarding this pamphlet and the result was always the conclusion that this document is a fake.



Quote:
A bunch of other junk came out about the same time. One was a supposed prophesy that George Washington got in a vision about invasions of America and Europe from communists. This one had a history of being found in the mid 1800s, but was fabricated, like the pamphlet above in the 1940s. There is a bunch of stuff like this.

Mike
I feel that as a result of the ColdFire’s activity, we’ll see all these fakes here soon
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Where should they dig the Very Deep Pit?
Piglet said that the best place would be somewhere where a Heffalump was, just before he fell into it, only about a foot farther on.
(c) Alan Alexander Miln
 
Old July 31st, 2019 #13
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I understand. I am silent.
Dude , there is no need to act belittled because of what I said . .

. . we had these discussions before . .
Quote:
I feel that as a result of the ColdFire’s activity, we’ll see all these fakes here soon
Do you take delight in denigrating me ?

. . you present it as if I fell for every forgery out there ( yes , I do not deny there is a lot of fiction when it comes to the N.W.O. )

But . . finally . . concerning forgeries . . if stuff like that Lenin-text and / or the 'Protocols' are fake , why do they predict the future so accurately ?

But . . the same as with Communism before , I'll leave it standing at that and say that everyone is free to believe what he /she wants.
 
Old July 31st, 2019 #14
Alex Him
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Originally Posted by ColdFire View Post
Do you take delight in denigrating me ?
You denigrate yourself by posting fake texts here.

And when I point to this in a light and humorous form, you are offended.



Quote:
. . you present it as if I fell for every forgery out there ( yes , I do not deny there is a lot of fiction when it comes to the N.W.O. )
Please show me at least one of your posts in which you quoted texts taken from this 45 volume collection of Lenin's works, and I admit that I was wrong.



Quote:
But . . finally . . concerning forgeries . . if stuff like that Lenin-text and / or the 'Protocols' are fake , why do they predict the future so accurately ?
There are no predictions. There is a shift of blame on Lenin for some social negative phenomena, because on behalf of Lenin it is stated that it is he who initiates and supports them.



Quote:
But . . the same as with Communism before , I'll leave it standing at that and say that everyone is free to believe what he /she wants.
The use of textual sources is not a matter of faith, it is a matter of accuracy and decency.
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Old July 31st, 2019 #15
Sartt
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Jack Dillenburger View Post
...one should copy that picture and distribute it as a flyer.
How to piss off every single Russian person alive, and have the KGB put you on a watch list...

Post that picture.
 
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