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Old November 3rd, 2016 #1
RickHolland
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Default The origins of Fascist ideology



The masterwork by Gentile fills a broad gap in the understanding of the origins of a major political movement of the 20th Century: fascism. This is the first detailed and definitive study of the development and initial success of fascism as it originated in Italy right after the First World War. the author traces each major influence and gives us a complete understanding of the birth of the doctrine that changed the face of Europe and found imitators of Mussolini around the world for decades.

Fascism:

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A nationalist and revolutionary, anti-liberal and anti-Marxist political movement with a social base mostly within the middle class; organized as a ‘party militia’; having, a totalitarian vision of politics and of the State, and an ideology based on myth, virilist, and hedonist, sacralized as a political religion affirming the primacy of the nation seen as an ethnically homogeneous organic community, that is organized hierarchically into a corporate State; belligerently advocating a policy of grandeur, power and conquest aimed at creating a new order and a new supranational civilization.
Totalitarianism:

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An experiment in political domination undertaken by a revolutionary movement, with an integralist conception of politics, that aspires toward a monopoly of power and that, after having secured power, whether by legal or illegal means, destroys or transforms the previous regime and constructs a new State based on a single-party regime, with the chief objective of conquering society; that is, it seeks the subordination, integration and homogenizations of the governed on the basis of the integral politicization of existence, whether collective or individual, interpreted according to the categories, the myths and the values of a palingenetic ideology, institutionalized in the form of a political religion, aiming to shape the individual and the masses through an anthropological revolution in order to regenerate the human being and create a new man, dedicated in body and soul to the realization of the revolutionary and imperialistic policies of the totalitarian party, whose ultimate goal is to create a new civilization beyond the Nation-State.
This culture ”intended as a vision of life” was grounded in the following main points:
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(a)A vision of politics subjectively conceived as art, meaning as an individual intuition of appropriate circumstances to be molded by the politician's will; objectively simply as a show of force and a clash of interests and ambitions;

(b)The transformation of ideas into myths, in the Sorelian sense of the word, or into key ideas as in Le Bon, in order to excite the passions of the crowds, to acquire their allegiance and push them into taking action;

(c)Contempt for the masses, but with a realistic evaluation of their political importance in modern society, not believing in their ability to change into autonomous forms of collective awareness;

(d)A vision of history as a cycle of hierarchies, aristocracies, and elites, fundamentally made up of energetic and willful minorities without any precise goal for their evolution;

(e)The possibility of social palingenesis or revolutions made possible by great leaders, viewed as in Nietzsche as new men, living and operating beyond and above the accepted rules of morality;

(f)Pessimistic and skeptical views of humanitarian moral and social values; about the nature of men viewed as in Machiavelli, to be drawn towards evil if they are not subjected to a superior power dominating them and imposing the order of a State.

Mussolini quotes:

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Monarchy, army, war! These are the three spiritual lights around which are . . . flying ”a bit late in the day” the butterflies of Italian nationalism. Three words, . . . three institutions, three absurdities. When these nationalists speak of war we . . . see them blowing in silly little tinhorns and aiming a wooden rifle in all . . . seriousness. We would have perhaps understood and looked upon with . . . sympathy an internal nationalism, a democratic-cultural movement for the . . . improvement, unity and renewal of the Italian people.
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This aristocracy is taking its first steps and is already demanding its place in the world. It marks precisely its attempt to take possession of social positions. . . . Italy is moving toward two great political parties, those who were there and those who did not go; those who fought and those who did not fight; those who worked and the parasites, the old parties, the old men who are getting ready, as though nothing had happened, to exploit Italy's politics of tomorrow will be overthrown. This forecast compels us to look contemptuously at everything said and done in the old guises, filled with conceit, sacred formulas, and senile stupidity.
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You represent labor, but not all of it, and your labor is only one part of the economic game. There are others that cannot be ignored. You have the numbers but numbers are not enough to make you worthy of governing the nation and the world. Numbers are quantitative they must be made qualitative. You will succeed if you deserve to. It is possible that from your mass ”by cleaning up and refining” an organization may emerge that is able ”not only for you but for everyone” to govern the State both politically and economically.
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It is now clear that we face two events: there is political socialism that is mostly destructive and national syndicalism that is creative. On one end the bourgeoisie of socialism who could be ready, in order to experiment with their ideas, would not hesitate to aggravate the economic and social crisis created by the war and would be ready to plunge European society into chaos; there are on the other hand the organizations of the working class that reject the confused and dull anticipations of socialist politics since they feel that capitalism still has a function and the coming of the proletariat must be from the grassroots up, not from the top down by decrees issued by a political government of card carrying socialists.

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Within the great river that is fascism you will find the tributaries that start from Sorel, Péguy, Lagardelle of the Mouvement Socialiste and the cohort of Italian syndicalists who from 1904 to 1914 brought new ideas to Italian socialist circles that were already castrated and chloroformed because of the intercourse with Giolitti, Olivetti Pagine Libere, Orano La Lupa, the Divenire sociale by Enrico Leone. Mussolini Opera omnia, op. cit XXXIV, p. 122.
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My temperament and study habits make me a anti-traditionalist because traditions are ruins; but there are sometimes ruins that can inspire. Well, we intend to return to Italian traditions. Mussolini, Opera omnia, cit., II, p. 109.
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See B. Mussolini, Note e letture in La lotta di classe, 8 July 1911: The intellectualist distortions of syndicalism are what we are do not accept. Syndicalism in the end is a method, not a doctrinea pragma not a dogma, action rather than a formula. Not limited to the workers its life will be as ephemeral as that of a book ending in a theistic, pseudo patriotic, nationalistic, free trade and anti-socialist caricature. Take the career of Georges Sorel. The man skipped ”almost unabashedly ”from the theory of trade unions to that of the camelots du roi.
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The men capable of imposing a collective discipline are rare because those ready to accept such discipline are also becoming rare. A Party necessarily means limitations, dogmas, faith, discipline, hierarchy but all such ideas mala tempora currunt. No one not even the lowliest of the rank and file will accept the word of faith without debate, everyone demands his right to free scrutiny, in this way the heretics, the diehards, the recalcitrant ones, the undisciplined ones increase live and take action outside political parties. Un blocco rosso?
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Education is not enough to create a culture, a program ”even a maximum one” is insufficient to create a party, a glorious past is not enough to justify a present that is often low and vulgar, the political unity of a nation is not enough to give it a mission in the history of the world if there is not a psychological unity cementing the will and directing the effort. Italian intellectual life is lacking in courage, so be it, La Voce will see to create that, it will attempt to solve the terrible problem that is facing the nation soul either to have the courage to create a the third great Italy, not the Italy of the Popes or the Emperors, but rather the Italy of the thinkers, the Italy that up until now has never existed”or to have a legacy of mediocrity that will immediately vanish at the first gust of wind. That is the program set by La Voce. A superb attempt that on the one hand has created enthusiasm and hope and on the other has run into determined opposition. I hope that La Voce will continue to cry out for a long time.
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Given that the International has been something more than the vague aspiration by a faction or a mere office handling correspondence located in Brussels, that issued an insipid trilingual information bulletin two or three times a year. That International is dead and done for. Some Italian socialists would like to feed oxygen to the dead body in the odd hope of resurrecting it. It is a wasted effort. Rather than continuing mechanically to mouth the formulas of the revealed truth we must confront the issue of internationalism at the critical level. I ask myself then, whether internationalism is not actually a luxury item, one of those ideas on the edge that can become part of one's doctrinal or moral baggage. It would be dangerous, however to set Party policy for something that is meant to be more than an assemblage of dreamers. I wonder if internationalism is absolutely required as a part of socialism. Tomorrow socialist criticism should seek to strike a balance between nation and class.
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We are a force. Not quantitative, but qualitative. Our program is such that it cannot attract the sympathy of the masses, since as masses they tend to remain static in their attitudes and ideas. But power is not always related to numbers. We were not a mass in 1915. Even then we were only a very strong minority, as were remain today despite the losses caused by the war in our midst. Our strength comes first and foremost from our youth. We are still young both in years and in spirit. We are therefore without prejudice, elastic, aggressive. We don't belong to the rabble of impotent men who look alike even in the smallest details of their lives, who measure themselves, who believe they have been chosen for some god-given mission in this paradoxical world and who remain in the end, paralyzed in their spirit. We belong to a different generation. We bring a happy note to issues. Gaja Scientia . Our duty is no longer the wooden notion of the pedagogue to become a pleasure, delight of the soul and of the senses.
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Only force rules. Force is the first law - Adolf H. http://erectuswalksamongst.us/ http://tinyurl.com/cglnpdj Man has become great through struggle - Adolf H. http://tinyurl.com/mo92r4z Strength lies not in defense but in attack - Adolf H.

Last edited by RickHolland; November 4th, 2016 at 03:37 AM.
 
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