|August 6th, 2016||#41|
Join Date: Jul 2014
The Sixty Million
Jews & Bolshevism, Part 2
Dara Halley-James 5,990 words
Part 2 of 5
The October Revolution
Inspired by the Balfour Declaration, 80 percent of Jews had voted Zionist in the Constituent Assembly elections. But Zionism = fanatical ethno-religious chauvinism + socialism, and that combination could just as easily transmute into leadership of Communism, thereby harnessing a largely Jewish-based universalistic ideology to a particularistic agenda. Jewish power could guide the state and protect Jews via influence within the higher ranks of Party, bureaucracy and secret police. For a great many Jews, Bolshevism was ‘Zionism in a hurry’, a Zionism with hegemony over a huge Gentile nation now, rather than hegemony over pint-sized Palestine, perhaps, someday in the distant future.
In September 1917, writes Trotsky biographer Dmitri Volkogonov, a Democratic Conference in Petrograd for those committed to government via dialogue not violence “. . . included all the socialist parties and the liberal Constitutional Democrats (Kadets). It might conceivably have succeeded had the [largely Jewish] Mensheviks and SRs [Social Revolutionaries] not wavered and finally opted for a compromise with the Bolsheviks in preference to a coalition with the Kadets.” Trotsky gave an impassioned speech and walked out with the Bolsheviks, basically saying that only armed insurrection could save Russia from the counter-revolutionaries.
Continues Dmitri Volkogonov, “It is not given to every intelligent or even talented person to strike a spark from a crowd, to make the crowd believe in a slogan, or to be able to divert hundreds and thousands of people by a few passionate phrases and to convince them to follow an idea. Trotsky was thus gifted, capable of using theatrical ploys, not as an end in themselves, but in order to make the fundamental truths of the revolution clear to the crowds. He was the orator-in-chief of the revolution.”
Sukhanov even suggests that each and every worker and soldier in Petrograd worker had encountered him and heard him speak. “His influence, both on the masses and at headquarters, was overwhelming.” He was of course a brilliant debater, but he was “also capable of expressing a clear and precise radical political position. For this he earned the title ‘the Danton of the Russian revolution’.” As the date of the uprising approached, Trotsky was called upon to speak more often, more so than any other revolutionary. His main insight was that the Soviets were the key: they were as broadly-based as the Bolshevik party was not. Their mobilization would be an unobtrusive way of turning revolution by a party seem like revolution by the people.
Lenin had thrice attempted (in April, June and July) to bring down the provisional government via street riots, writes Pipes. “In July he nearly succeeded but inexplicably lost his nerve at the critical moment . . . [P]ower was his for the asking, yet he faltered.” He needed a Trotsky.
Solzhenitsyn concurs: “. . . Trotsky was the autocratic genius of the October revolution . . . Lenin hid himself in a cowardly manner and played no essential role until after the revolution . . . ” With Lenin in hiding, “The October coup was, therefore, planned and managed by his associates . . . Trotsky . . . adopted a more cautious tactic, calling for physical force being concealed behind a smokescreen of Soviet pseudo-legality.” “Trotsky was far more courageous [than Lenin] and very much in evidence during these critical days, haranguing crowds, taunting the government, and helping in other ways to set the stage for the coup.” Summarizes Solzhenitsyn, “[T]he October coup [was] under general command of Trotsky and with energetic actions of young Grigory Chudnovsky [also Jewish] during the arrest of the Provisional Government and the massacre of defenders of the Winter Palace.”
Trotsky would write many years later that had neither he nor Lenin been present in Petersburg, no October revolution would have taken place. His biographer Volkogonov agrees. But given Lenin’s three prior failures, Lenin’s presence alone would not have sufficed. Thus it was Trotsky who was the indispensable figure of the Bolshevik coup. Even Stalin, Trotsky’s evolving foe, stated a year after the coup: “All the practical work of organizing the uprising was done under the direct leadership of Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet Trotsky . . . [as was] the rapid move of the garrison onto the side of the Soviet and the capable handling of the work of the Revolutionary Committee.” Trotsky also was foremost in the creation of the Petrograd Soviet in the first place.
Writes Volkogonov: “From 1917 to Lenin’s death, their collaboration was close and constructive. Trotsky became not only the second man of the revolution, but closer to Lenin than any other in his radicalism and determination. Together, they were the joint architects of the Soviet system” (my emphases: thus the system’s architects were 62.5 percent Jewish, Lenin being 1/4 Jewish and Trotsky fully Jewish). And when Lenin was wounded by an assassin in August 1918, Trotsky’s leadership skills became even more crucial. Writes Conquest, “Lenin only got his chance through a series of historical accidents, and thereafter barely held on.” Early on, says Volkogonv, it was “clear that had Lenin resigned, Trotsky would have been the chief candidate to succeed him.”
I.O. Levin writes: “There is no doubt that Jewish representation in the Bolshevik and other parties with respect to general Jewish membership and Jewish presence among the leaders, greatly exceeds the Jewish share in the population of Russia. This is an indisputable fact . . . [I]ts factual veracity is unchallengeable and its denial is pointless.” Indeed, “At the All-Russian Congress of Soviets in June 1917, at least 31 percent of Bolshevik delegates (and 37 percent of Unified Social Democrats) were Jews. Solzhenitsyn relates: “V. D. Nabakov, hardly known for anti-Semitism, joked that the meeting of the foremen of the Pre-Parliament in October 1917 “could safely be called a Sanhedrin”: its majority was Jewish; of Russians [we were only four].”
At the Bolshevik Central Committee meeting of October 23, 1917, which voted to launch an armed insurrection, 5 out of the 12 members present were Jews. Three out of seven Politburo members charged with leading the October uprising were Jews (Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Grigory Sokolnikov [Hirsh Brilliant]).” The All-Russian Central Executive elected at the [historic] Second Congress of Soviets — historic because it ratified the Bolshevik takeover with Lenin as chairman — was 5/8ths made up of Bolsheviks and more than a third were Jews, that number being more than for any other ethnic group including Russians.
Who debated the takeover? Fifteen speakers, 14 of whom were Jews. The first two heads of the Soviet state were Kamenev and Sverdlov (who was also the Party’s chief administrator), both Jews. The first Bolshevik bosses of Moscow and Petrograd were Kamenev and Zinoviev. Zinoviev, Jewish, also chaired the Communist International. “The first Bolshevik commandants of the Winter Palace and the Moscow Kremlin,” writes Solzhenitsyn, “were Grigorii and Isakovich Chudnovsky and Emelian Yaroslavsky (Minei Izraelovitch Gubelman), all Jewish. Yaraslovsky was also the chairman of the League of the Militant Godless. The heads of the Soviet delegation at the Brest-Litovsk negotiations were Adolf Ioffe and Trotsky. Trotsky was the face of the Red Army.” All Jews.
In fact, the charge was often made that Lenin was ‘surrounded by Jews’, as in the case of Boris Yeltsin 3/4s of a century later when the assets of the Soviet state were being auctioned off. Perhaps not surprisingly, one of the first acts of the Bolsheviks in power was to ban the agitating of anti-Semitism, now punishable by death. Suddenly the Kaiser’s Germany seemed positively medieval by comparison, and deserving of a toppling by fellow travelers of the Bolsheviks should the German army meet with defeat. And so it came to pass.
Jews were important among the Bolsheviks but far more so amongst the Mensheviks, Social Revolutionaries and Anarchists. Yet, as above, observes Volkogonov, “The Left SRs and Mensheviks-Internationalists were . . . prepared to collaborate with the Bolsheviks on social issues . . .” So the Jewish leaders in Bolshevism often garnered crucial support from the other even more-Jewish radical parties. Indeed, as Solzhenitsyn notes, “[J]ust before the uprising, Natanson, Kamkov, and Shteinberg on behalf of the left Socialist Revolutionaries had signed a combat pact with Bolsheviks Trotsky and Kamenev.”
Continues Solzhenitsyn: ‘“Some Jews distinguished themselves among the Bolsheviks in their very first victories and some even became famous. The commissar of the famed Latvian regiments of the 12th Army, which did so much for the success of the Bolshevik coup, was Semyon Nakhimson. [Wrote Aron Abramovich:] “Jewish soldiers played a notable role during preparation and execution of the armed uprising of October 1917 in Petrograd and other cities, and also during suppression of mutinies and armed insurrections against the new Soviet regime.”’
One slogan of that period was “All Russian life must be rebuilt from the roots.” A thousand years would have to be uprooted to accommodate the fantasies of the revolution’s intellectual elite! That in a nutshell is why most of Russia’s painters, poets, scientists and writers were hostile to the Bolshevik revolution. They respected and felt indebted to their predecessors, unlike so many Jews and other non-Russian ethnics who had hostile grievances with the Russian majority.
Such Jews at least pretended to obliterate their religio-ethnicity. They all were convinced that their combination of education, smarts, talent and revolutionary spirit — rare to non-existent amongst the Russian rabble — rendered them best-suited to arrange matters for workers, soldiers and peasants. Comments Solzhenitsyn: “For many Russians, from commoner to general, this sudden eye-striking transformation in the appearance among the directors and orators at rallies and meetings, in command and in government, was overwhelming.” And this transformation intensified exponentially as a gigantic Soviet bureaucracy swiftly took root, attracting by necessity an elite of educated Jews.
Here is an indication of just how incredibly improbable the consolidation of Soviet power was. It was akin to how in 1932 the German communists would let the Nazis attain power and then hopefully fall on their faces. In the early months and years, the Russian population at large did little to resist the Bolsheviks even though such resistance could have made all the difference. Why the passivity? Because the new regime could not last. It was perceived as made up of crazy utopians. These over-excitable dreamers would soon be swept from the scene and from the pages of history. Or so most people thought. Had they only foreseen the result of their inaction, they surely would have acted. But in truth no one could have foreseen the utter ruthlessness of Lenin and Co. That ruthlessness had to be invoked in order to sustain in power a gang that should never have come close to the levers of power in the first place. They had fluked their way in, and then nothing but nothing was going to dislodge them. (Hitler was a mirror-image German replay of this scenario.) Thus, laments the great author, “the October coup snowballed into a fierce three-year-long Civil War, which brought countless bloody calamities to all the peoples of Russia.”
Further observes Solzhenitsyn: “The February Revolution was a Russian revolution [that] did not aspire to burn down the entire pre-existing life, to annihilate the whole pre-revolutionary Russia. Yet immediately after October, the Revolution spilled abroad and became an international and devastating plague, feeding itself by devouring and destroying the social order wherever it spread — everything built was to be annihilated; everything cultivated to be confiscated; whoever resisted was to be shot. The Reds were exclusively preoccupied with their grand social experiment, predestined [in theory] to be repeated, expanded and implemented all over the world.” And the Jews amongst the Bolshevik leadership were absolutely indispensable to the spread of this plague, no less so than the Austrian Adolf Hitler would be indispensable to the spread of Nazism.
As for the ‘Great War’, Lenin would need to get Russia out of it to retain power, so the desperate Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was the result. The Bolsheviks signed away a third of Russia’s land and population, half its industry, and 90 percent of its coalmines. Poland, Finland, Lithuania and Ukraine became independent, but as German protectorates. Ferguson commends the German government’s “handsome return” on its investment in Lenin’s return to Russia. Of course, all this was undone as a consequence of U.S. involvement in the war, a situation that would repeat itself in World War II. Unbelievably in retrospect, America would rescue the USSR twice: for Lenin and then, even less deservedly, for Stalin.
The Jewish ‘Otshchepentsy’
Who were the ‘otshchepentakh? (‘otches’ for short) They were revolutionary Jews who were not (religious) Jews in spirit. However, it could be said that their revolutionary fervour was merely an alternate expression of their ostensibly-abandoned religiosity. If one chooses to claim, as most Jewish authorities do today, that these weren’t ‘real Jews’, then one must also allow that the Russians involved were not real Russians, certainly not Russian in spirit, and in fact were typically both anti-Russian and anti-Orthodox. Yet Solzhenitsyn refuses to disown even Lenin. True, “everything Russian among which he grew generated inside him: hatred.” But he is nonetheless Russian and “we can in no way renounce him.” (Of course, isn’t it just possible that his hatred of the Russian derived mainly from the Jewish quarter of his grandparentage?) “We must accept him as a creation completely Russian since his national character — that which infused his spirit — was intertwined with the history of the Russian Empire.”
Contrarily, Germans could disown their nation’s Nazis, and point to modern Germans and pre-1930s Germans as the only authentic Germans. But this dodge simply avoids ‘manning up’ to disturbing qualities that blatantly manifested themselves during the era in question. Writes Solzhenitsyn: “We know about the Russian otshchepentakh . . . But how widely and actively did Jews participate in strengthening Bolshevik authority?” Very widely and very actively, is the only honest reply. While this reply is denied today, it was embraced at the time. Continues Solzhenitsyn, “The question is one of whether the people renounced their [otches], and whether the renunciation that did occur reflected the sense of the people. Did a people choose to remember or not to remember its [otches]? In answer to this question, there can be no doubt: The Jews chose to remember. Not just remember the individual people, but to remember them as Jews, so their names may never disappear” (my emphases). To deny that remembrance is to lie about complicity. If Jews insist there was widespread German complicity in the crimes of the Nazis 1933-1945, we can just as compellingly insist upon the fact of widespread Jewish complicity in the crimes of the Soviet Communists 1917-1953.
G. Landau, a Jew, would admonish several years after revolution:
Jewish participation in the Russian turmoil had astonishingly suicidal overtones in it; I am referring not only to their role in Bolshevism, but their involvement in the whole thing. And it is not just about the huge number of politically active [Jewish] people, socialists and revolutionaries, who have joined the revolution. I am talking mainly about the broad sympathy of the [Jewish] masses it was met with . . . [T]hey were still able to reconcile foreboding [of pogroms] with an acceptance of revolutionary turmoil which unleashed countless miseries and pogroms . . . [and] attracted Jews like moths to the annihilating flame . . . [S]trong motives push[ed] the Jews in that direction, and yet those were clearly suicidal . . .
(Of course, increasing enthusiasm in Germany for its Nazi revolution is judged in conventional wisdom as unforgivable; the equivalent of this phenomenon a generation earlier amongst Soviet Jews, when acknowledged at all, is judged as forgivable for its perhaps-misguided idealism.) Jews were acting like Russians; however, Jews as “city-dwellers, merchants, artisans, intellectuals” were inevitably “different from the . . . peasants, landowners, officials.” Pretend-communality would eventually give way to manifest inherent differences that would breed resentment amongst the Russian intelligentsia and people.
What of the Jewish otches at the center of the storm? As we have seen above, the Jews had not all been drawn to Bolshevism. Instead, they had been drawn to a myriad of revolutionary movements. For example, Jews made up substantially more than half the delegates of the Mensheviks at any given conference they were seated at.
By April 1917, among the nine members of the new Central Committee of the Bolsheviks, there were the three Jews: G. Zinoviev, L. Kameneva, and Sverdlova. At the summer congress, there were 11 members, among them were the five Jews Zinoviev, Sverdlov, Sokolniks, Trotsky, and Uritsky. On October 10, 1917, in the apartment of Gimmera and Flakserman, where the decision was made to launch the Bolshevik Revolution, among the 12 participants were [the same five plus one more unnamed Jew]. And who was chosen for the first politburo? Its seven members included Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, and Sokolniks. That is no small proportion: 57 percent. “In the first council of People’s Commissars there was, true, only one Jew, but the influence of this one Jew, Trotsky, Lenin’s second [in command], exceeded that of all the rest.”
Concludes Solzhenitsyn, “There can be no doubt — Jewish [otches] were present in the Bolshevik leadership in great disproportion to their numbers in the population — and they comprised too many of the Bolshevik commissars for a relationship to be denied.” And from that highly impressive base, Jewish participation in and leadership of the Bolshevik regime expanded rapidly. Comments Solzhenitsyn: “During the first years after the October revolution . . . the power of this enormous land was effortlessly slipping into the hands of those clinging to the Bolsheviks,” by which he means: primarily Jews.
He concludes: “[T]here is no doubt that these Jewish otshchepentsy for several years after the revolution dominated Bolshevism, headed the belligerent Red Army (Trotsky), the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (Sverdlov), ran both capitals (Zinoviev), the Komintern (Zionviev), the Profintern/Red Trade Union International (Dridzo-Lozovsky) and the Komsomol (Oscar Ryvkin, [with Lazarus Shatskin, also Jewish, his successor]).”
Red Terror and the Cheka
Lenin, writes Solzhenitsyn, harnessed “the special bitterness of the Jews to the Tsar” on behalf of the revolution. But of course, the Bolsheviks were not fighting the Czar or Imperial Russia. These had already been vanquished by the February revolution and the democratic Provisional Government. No, the Bolsheviks were fighting against the February revolution and the Provisional Government. To attain and retain power, the Bolsheviks had to become the inverse of democratic, so what October wrought was in fact a counter-revolution propagandized as the fulfillment of the Russian Revolution. It was the scam of the century, but the leftists of the West — with so many Jews and philo-Semites among them — bought into it.
Ending permanent residency dispersed Jews as migrants to many cities throughout the USSR. The government didn’t accomplish this. “This was performed in large part by Jewish social security agencies and philanthropic organizations,” Solzhenitsyn informs us. It saved the regime. By January 1918, the Jewish-dominated unpopular Bolsheviks had to ask themselves whom they could trust. “[A] special people’s commissariat [was created from] the embers of the Jewish commissariat . . .” relates Solzhenitsyn. Why? For Lenin, the revolution survived “because of the role of the large Jewish intelligentsia in several Russian cities. These Jews engaged in general sabotage, which was directed against Russians after the October Revolution and which had been extremely effective. Jewish elements . . . saved the Bolshevik Revolution through these acts of sabotage. Lenin [even] emphasized this in the press. He recognized that to master the state apparatus he could succeed only because of this reserve of literate and more-or-less intelligent, sober new clerks” (my emphases).
Continues Solzhenitsyn: “Thus the Bolsheviks, from the first days of their authority, called upon the Jews to assume the bureaucratic work of the Soviet apparatus — and many, many Jews answered that call. They, in fact, responded immediately. The sharp need of the Bolsheviks for bureaucrats to exercise their authority met great enthusiasm among young Jews . . . And this was in no way compulsory for these Jews, who were non-Party members and who had been previously completely non-revolutionary and apolitical. This phenomenon was not ideological but a phenomenon of mass calculation by the Jews . . . [They] gushed out of their ghettos to join the Bolsheviks, seeing in them the most decisive defenders of the revolution and the most reliable internationalists, and these Jews flooded and abounded in the lower layers of the Party structure.” However, even Lenin did not foresee the extent to which “Jewish power within the Bolsheviks would lead the Jews, as a result of war scattered throughout Russia to take control of the apparatus of the Russian state during the decisive months and years . . .”
Solzhenitsyn insists that the notion “that Jewish young people joined the communist party in response to anti-Semitic pogroms conducted in White-controlled areas in 1919 has no basis in reality” (my emphases). The mass inflow of Jews into the Soviet apparatus occurred in 1917 and 1918 . . . [T]he pogroms of 1919 strengthened the allegiance of Jews to the communist party, but in no way created it.” The pogroms, inspired by both Ukrainian nationalism and anti-Bolshevism, were partly a response to the identification of Jews with the new regime as expressed by their onrush into the ranks of the Bolshevik bureaucracy.
Indeed, the organization of Bolshevism “was created through the activity of Jewish commissars . . . The transfer of the Russian Revolution from the destructive phase into the building phase was seen as an expression of the ability of Jews to build elaborate systems based on their dissatisfactions. And after the successes of October, how many Jews themselves indeed spoke about their role in Bolshevism with their heads held high.” The KRU Holocaust 1932-33 (aka The Terror Famine), to be considered a sign of the regime’s uncompromising ideological commitment, was still 15 years of preparation away.
As an indication of how welcome Jews would be within the new bureaucracy, consider the other groups of intellectual workers who were not welcome: the nobility, Christian clerics, Czarist bureaucrats, and proles (perhaps willing but as yet insufficiently educated). It was a gargantuan sign had been erected reading: ‘All educated Jews welcome. Other educated people accepted only if absolutely necessary’. How could Jews in such conditions not become the core of the Soviet bureaucracy?
The Bolsheviks enticed even more Jews to join the régime by originating in St. Petersburg “the Jewish division of the nationalities commissariat. In 1918 it was converted into a separate commissariat of its own.” In March 1919 it was folded into the Party “in order to integrate it into the Communist Internationale, and a special Jewish section was created in the Russian Telegraphic Agency.”
As noted above, the Bolsheviks valued Jews not only for their abilities, but for their alienation from and hatred of the Russian population, granted: a characteristic of many Latvians, Hungarians and Chinese as well. So, “after finding that the revolution granted them complete freedom, and that it welcomed a bloom of Jewish activity in the public, political and cultural spheres, the Jewish population threw themselves into Bolshevism; [especially those Jews with] a surplus of cruelty.”
A career in the Cheka was ideal for those harboring a surplus of cruelty. Lenin was up front regarding his racist dislike for Russians. Fools. Bunglers. Too soft to run a police state. He overtly preferred the Germans. But World War I had put the Germans out of the picture, so Jews took their place. With even greater hostility to the natives, and better educated still, it would be largely Jews whom Lenin/Stalin entrusted to harden their hearts and “to run an efficient police state.” G. A. Landau, himself Jewish, recalls being “amazed by what we had least expected to encounter among Jews: cruelty, sadism, and violence that had seemed alien to a nation so far removed from physical, warlike activity . . . [They] are now found among the executioners and cutthroats” (my emphases).
Solzhenitsyn scorns the argument of apologists who claim that it wasn’t the Jews who were so vicious in the Cheka but rather imperial holdovers who were trying to ingratiate themselves with a regime that questioned their loyalty. Ridiculous, counters Solzhenitsyn. Such holdovers were invited to join the Cheka in only one capacity — as executees.
The Cheka, recounts Solzhenitsyn, “was established in December 1917. It instantly gained strength and by the beginning of 1918 it was already filling the entire populace with mortal fear. In fact, it was the Cheka that started the ‘Red Terror’ long before its beginning was first announced on September 5, 1918. The Cheka practiced terror from the moment of its inception and continued it long after the end of the Civil War. By January of 1918, [as Hitler’s SS would], the Cheka was “enforcing the death penalty on the spot without investigation or trial.”
On August 28, 1918, Jewess Fanya Kaplan, then associated with the Socialist Revolutionary Party, shot Lenin in the neck, probably shortening his life but not by so much that Stalin did not have time to entrench himself as Lenin’s successor over Trotsky. Jewish Cheka chief Morris Uritsky was assassinated the same day — by a Jewish student! Thus were other largely-Jewish radically-revolutionary factions challenging the Bolsheviks for control of the revolution, a development that would generate a bloodbath for all.
The largely-Jewish-run Pravda would run an article warning that “for every one of our heads they will answer with a hundred of theirs . . . If they endeavour to destroy the people’s leaders, they will themselves be mercilessly destroyed.” It was a preview of the Nazis’ Kristallnacht response, which was in fact far milder. Trotsky’s Red Army publication ratcheted the vengeance theme several notches higher: “Without mercy, without sparing, we will kill our enemies in scores of hundreds. Let them be thousands, let them drown themselves in their own blood. For the blood of Lenin and Uritsky . . . let there be floods of blood of the bourgeois — more blood, as much as possible.” Perhaps, with rhetoric like this coming from the régime and aimed not at a foreign enemy but at fellow Russians, no one should have been surprised that said régime would go on to kill more than 20 million of its own. Of its own!
In the Cheka, Bolshevik Jews were capable of twinning ideological fervor with literacy. Who else could? Promotion through the higher ranks ensued. Jews were 6 of 12 of the investigators in the department for combatting counter-revolution. (In 1923 the OGPU would replace the Cheka, but 4 of 8 of its top brass would be Jews.) “The headcount of the ‘Cheka’ staff varied between 150 and 300 . . . percentage-wise, there was 75 percent Jews and 25 percent others, and those in charge were almost exclusively Jews.” Out of twenty members of the Commission, i.e., the top brass who determined people’s destinies, fourteen were Jews.
Now with an excuse for doing what it was already itching to do, the Cheka unleashed the Red Terror. Solzhenitsyn emphasizes the Red Terror’s premeditated nature: “It was a targeted, pre-designed and long-term terror.” Bradberry describe it as an “unrestrained orgy of rape, torture, summary executions and murder all over Russia . . . of independent farmers known as the Kulaks, ethnic minorities, the aristocracy, the bourgeoisie, the landed gentry, senior military officers, intellectuals, artists, clergy, opposition members and anyone who aroused the slightest suspicion.”
During the Red Terror, the Jewish head of the Ukrainian Cheka, Martin Latsis, declared: “We are exterminating the bourgeoisie as a class.” However, this excluded the Jewish bourgeoisie, which was protected by having been a persecuted group under the Czars. Jewish neocon Richard Pipes in 1990 wrote that “three quarters of the staff [of the Cheka] were Jews, many of them riff raff, incapable of any other work, cut off from the Jewish community, although careful to spare fellow Jews” (my emphases). Yikes! (Consider that the Red Terror was more deadly than the likes of the Nazis’ Kristallnacht by a factor of thousands — in fact, any comparison of the two is ridiculous. Kristallnacht does not register as having occurred at all when placed in such company, and yet a trumped-up media-hyperbolized Kristallnacht would put Western Europe and the Nazis on an unnecessary collision course.)
Solzhenitsyn quotes from a document from September 25, 1918 dug up by a Cheka-history researcher. ‘“[T]he Jews are quite noticeable, especially among “major and active officials,” i.e. commissars and investigators. For instance, among the “investigators of the Department of Counter-Revolutionary Activities—the most important Cheka department — half were Jews.”’ Russian writer Vladimir Soloukhin estimated that 50 percent of Cheka were Jewish with Jewish names, 25 percent Jewish but having taken non-Jewish names, and 25 percent other non-Russian minorities. Of the latter, many had Jewish spouses. Perhaps it was time to take revenge on Russian pogromists, in which case a Jewish Cheka operated as the enforcement arm of a largely Jewish-controlled state. Jewish historian Leonard Shapiro in 1988 wrote in his Russian Studies book: “Anyone who had the misfortune of to fall into the hands of the Cheka stood a very good chance of finding himself confronted with, and possibly shot by, a Jewish investigator.”
As noted above, the first Cheka head, the Jewish Morris Uritsky, was assassinated. He was followed by Felix Dzerzhinski, also Jewish. His second-in-command was I.S. Unschlict, a Jew. The torture department was headed by Genrik Yagoda and Yuri Andropov, the former a Jew, until Lavrent Beria, a Georgian like Stalin, took over. Sadistically torturing suspects to death was a common practice for the Cheka.
Continues Solzhenitsyn: ‘“[T]he country saw the snatching of hundreds and later thousands of absolutely innocent hostages, their mass execution at night or mass drowning in whole barges. Historian S. P. Melgunov (in Red Terror in Russia 1918-1923) writes: “There was not a single town or district without an office of the omnipotent Cheka, which from now on becomes the main nerve of state governance and absorbs the last vestiges of law . . . There was not a single place in the Russian Federation without ongoing executions . . . [A] single order of one man (Dzerzhinsky) doomed to immediate death many thousands of people.”’ And this was not yet a civil war. Again Solzhenitsyn quotes Melgunov: This was “just physical liquidation of a former adversary.” The blood had barely begun to flow. The Red Terror was a mere prelude. For example, terror in the Crimea, with 120,000 inhabitants murdered by Reds, would continue into the year 1921. In Sevastopol people would be publically hanged in the hundreds.
The Cheka’s condemnations were based on the “social class he belongs to, what his descent is, upbringing, education and profession. It is these questions that should determine the suspect’s fate,” wrote M. Latsis in the bulletin of Red Terror on November 1, 1918 and in Pravda on December 25, 1918. Of course, no one could alter their past any more than a Jew would be able to dismiss his roots in Nazi Europe. Pronounced guilty by virtue of what you are, not what you did — it was the age-old complaint of Jews regarding their tormentors. Shulgin remarks upon the success of the slogan “Death to the Bourgeoisie.” “[T]he smell of blood inebriates, alas, so many Russians, that they get into a frenzy like wild beasts.” That killing frenzy was encouraged and led by the Jewish-dominated Cheka.
Lev Krainy, a Jew, wrote in Red Sword: “Old foundations of morality and humanity invented by the bourgeoisie do not and cannot exist for us . . .” Substitute ‘Jews’ for ‘bourgoisie’ and it will be Hitler’s sentiment. A certain Schwartz writes therein: “If physical extermination of all servants of Tsarism and capitalism is the prerequisite for the establishment of the worldwide dictatorship of the proletariat, then it wouldn’t stop us.” Well. Snyder claims that Hitler was prepared to exterminate 30 million Ukrainians. That’s nothing compared to the impending toll that Schwartz’s comment would entail. Hitler could well have said: ‘If physical extermination of all Communists and Jews is the prerequisite of worldwide domination by the Aryan race, then it wouldn’t stop us’. Except that Hitler had really aimed only for East European not worldwide domination, so Schwartz’s Communist vision implied slaughter on a scale that would make World War II look like a picnic. Schwartz’s death toll would have been hundreds of millions.
The February Revolution led to the internment of the Czar and his family. The Bolshevik Revolution followed by the Red Terror led to their furtive slaughter. All three slaughterers were Jews: Chairman of the All Russian Central Executive Committee in Moscow, former assistant pharmacist Yakov Sverdlov (Yankel Solomon), who ordered the deed; former dentist Shaia Goloshchekin (commissar of Urals Military District); and Yokov (Yankel) Yurovsky, who directed the killings and shot the Czar personally.
The slaughter of ordinary Russians was no less thorough. Recounts Solzhenitsyn: “Entire wards of prisoners are escorted out and every last man is executed. Because of the large number of victims, a machine-gun is used . . .” Sparing only the very young, “they execute 15-16-year-old children and 60-years-old elders.” Typically, a special shed was fitted for executions at the local Cheka headquarters. An executioner and sometimes an assistant “escorted a completely naked victim into the shed and ordered the victim to fall face-down on the ground. [Revolver in hand] he finished the victim off with a shot in the back of the head . . . skull explod[ing] into fragments . . . The next victim . . . similarly escorted inside and laid down nearby . . . [At overcapacity] new victims were laid down right upon the dead or were shot at the entrance . . . [u]sually without resistance.” It was very much a lower-profile version of the Einsatzgruppen’s open-pit mass-shooting of Jews two decades later, when Jews and Gentiles switched perpetrator/victim roles.
The Jewish-dominated Cheka directed the Red Terror. Solzhenitsyn laments that it is unfortunately a “harsh certitude: incredibly-enormous power on an unimaginable scale had come into the hands of those Jewish Chekists, who at that time were supreme (by status and rank) representatives of Russian Jewry.” A 1926 pamphlet by émigré Dr. Gregor cites the Cheka’s ‘killed’ figures for that onslaught as including 8,800 doctors/assistants, 361,825 members of the intelligentsia (teachers, professors, engineers, building contractors, writers, judges) and 12,950 large landowners, etc. Certainly no one of any leadership capacity was left alive to head up a counter-revolution, and Jews could now more easily fill out the emptied ranks of the intelligentsia. Psychologist Kevin Macdonald summarizes that “when Jews achieved power in Russia, it was as a hostile elite with a deep sense of historical grievance. As a result they became willing executioners of both the people and the culture they came to rule . . .”
They weren’t nameless. Solzhenitsyn cites some Jewish Chekists of the highest rank: Veniamin Gersen (assistant to Dzerzhinski); Israel Leplevsky (eventually the head of OGPU); Zinovy Katznelson (a very high-ranking Cheka-ist; later the deputy head of the entire Gulag); Solomon Mogilevsky (a high-ranking Cheka-ist); Ignaty Vizner (later “special plenipotentiary of the Presidium of the Cheka-GPU on cases of special importance”); Lev-Levin-Velsky (a high-ranking Cheka-ist who ultimately became deputy Narkom of Internal Affairs of USSR); Natum (Leonid) Etington (the GPUer who would orchestrate the murder of Trostky); Isaak (Semyon) Schwartz (first Chair of the All-Ukrainian Cheka); Yakov Lifshitz (who succeeded Schwartz); Matvei Berman (a Chekist official who became the head of the Gulag and deputy Narkom of NKVD at same time); Boris Berman (deputy head of foreign intelligence section of NKVD); Boris Pozern (who co-signed the proclamation of the Red Terror with two other Jews, Zinoviev and Dzerzhinsky, on Sept. 2, 1918); Aleksander Ioselevich (who co-signed the Red Terror execution lists in Sept. 1918); Yakov Agranov (repressions being his specialty, he “directed cruel interrogations of participants of the Kronstadt Uprising”); and Yakov Blumkin (co-assassin of the German ambassador in 1918).
And one mustn’t overlook the female Chekist Revekka Plastinina-Maizel: “Infamous for her cruelty all over the north of Russia . . . [she] voluntarily perforated napes and foreheads . . . and personally shot more than one hundred men.” Those good works behind her, she became a Supreme Court Justice in the 1940s.
Russian Jews had a special longstanding grievance with the Ukrainians. Deliberately on Lenin’s part, in “the Ukraine, the Cheka leadership was overwhelmingly Jewish.” In Kiev the figure was 75 percent. A Cheka defector recounts that “in the autumn of 1918-1919 the Chekists in Kiev went on a rampage of random violence, rape, and looting . . .” When an exodus of 60,000 Ukrainians from Kiev occurred on Oct. 1, 1919, in the wake of the Soviet conquest of the newly independent Ukraine, Kiev’s population of 100,000 Jews stayed on.
Lindemann writes that, “the extent to which both Cheka and Gestapo leaders prided themselves in being an elite corps, characterized by unyielding toughness—unmoved by sympathy for their often innocent victims and willing to carry out the most stomach-turning atrocities in the name of an ideal—is striking.” And the former preceded the latter by a generation.
|August 8th, 2016||#42|
Join Date: Jul 2014
The Sixty Million
Jews & Bolshevism, Part 3
Dara Halley-James 45,287 words
Part 3 of 5
The Ukraine Complication
A “Dec. 20 1922 New York Times article . . . detailed the activities of a ‘Jewish army’ made up of 500,000 men that was established by Lenin’s Bolshevik regime to do its bidding in Ukraine.” It was “a supreme force in some cities.” Then there was the Cheka. Solzhenitsyn relates American historian Bruce Lincoln’s estimate that the Ukrainian Cheka was 80 percent Jewish. These “were already staffing the Cheka in 1918, whereas Petliura’s pogroms only gathered momentum during 1919.” “At that time, nobody could imagine that the Civil War would ignite enormous Jewish pogroms, unprecedented in their atrocity and bloodshed, all over the South of Russia.” Petliura was Ukrainian head of state during 1918-1920. First came the largely-Jewish-led Red Terror and the first phase of largely-Jewish-led Civil War. Only then began the Ukrainian pogroms, a matter of killing Jews whom Petliura believed for plausible reasons would aid and abet any Bolshevik takeover. In other words, the actions of Jewish Bolsheviks provoked the massive pogroms of the civil war era, which are typically depicted by Jewish historians as gratuitous and evidence of a Gentile anti-Semitic psychosis.
Here is what happened, in more detail. Ukraine had no use for a Bolshevik Russia. But, the largely-Jewish-led Bolsheviks had a use for the Ukraine in mind, as breadbasket for a USSR. They immediately began an anti-Ukraine offensive. Three weeks later the Red Army was in Kiev. “The Ukrainian government and the leaders of Ukrainian parties were evacuated . . . but the Jewish representatives did not follow them.” They stayed on with the Bolshevik conquerors.
The Bolsheviks in Kiev even mobilized a whole brigade of Jewish workers, who’d been exiled in England until the February revolution, to staff the would-be new Bolshevik regime as commissars and other high officials, and created “a special Jewish squad of Red Guards.”
Grigory Chudnovsky was named Commissar of Kiev, Kreitzberg was named commissar of finances, D. Raikhstein named press officer, and Shapiro commissar of the army. Solzhenitsyn adds that, here “was no shortage of Jewish names among the top Bolsheviks . . . in such centers as Odessa and Ekaterinoslav.”
However, at the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk signed in early March 1918, which concluded the Great War between Russia and Germany, the Soviets ceded Ukraine to the Central Powers. World War I continued to rage on the Western front, as Austrian/German bayonets arrived to oversee Ukrainian independence. Any Jewish Bolshevik officials left behind were doubtless shot, but there were no bona fide pogroms. Ukraine’s Jews did go along with Ukrainian independence, but only with extreme reluctance, and many Jews mocked Ukraine’s pretense of nationality along the way. Complete independence was declared on Jan. 11, 1918.
Petliura’s inaugural government was soon replaced by that of Cossack leader Skoropadsky. Skoropadsky’s government did well by Ukraine’s Jews and even included one as Minister of Trade and Industry. But the government fell in December 1918. Petliura returned to power. His mouthpiece/newspaper wrote: The Jews “emphasize their knowledge of the Russian language and ignore the fact of Ukrainian statehood . . . Jewry again has joined the side of our enemy.” Petliura blamed the Jews for all the prior Bolshevik victories and for the renewed conflict as the Bolsheviks’ civil war conflated with wars of conquest, led by one Leon Trotsky, who could scarcely have looked more Jewish or commanded more Soviet power. This led to talk of the ‘Bolshevik Jews’ and of traitorous Jews, and to enmity between Ukrainian nationalists and Ukrainian Jews who had welcomed the Soviet conquerors earlier and were now welcoming them again.
The overall problem for Jews in the 1917-1919 period was not laws against them as during the Czarist era but rather the complete breakdown of laws during the Red Terror and Civil War, a breakdown that leading Russian Jews were instrumental in causing. Bolshevik hostility to a newly-independent Ukraine just finding its footing made things even worse. To finally achieve the long-incubating dream of nationhood, only to have it stifled in its cradle by a largely-Jewish-inspired Bolshevism, was intolerable to most Ukrainians.
Between Dec. 1918 and Aug. 1919, with Petliura in charge, dozens of pogroms occurred, killing (by the Red Cross’s estimate) some 50,000 Jews. These were not the work of the Ukrainian army, though, non-existent as yet, nor were they formally instigated by the government. Largely spontaneous in nature, peasant bands sometimes killed entire shtetls, children as well. Solzhenitsyn relates that, “The largest pogrom happened on February 15, 1919, in Proskurov after a failed Bolshevik coup attempt.” The pogrom was grotesque, nonetheless this was revenge for Jewish support of Bolshevism, exaggerated by Ukrainians but based on fact. Naturally, while these pogroms did drive Ukrainian Jews further into the arms of the Bolsheviks, it was the largely-Jewish-led Bolshevik assault on the Ukraine’s newly-established national sovereignty that had opened Pandora’s Box.
Once Nestor Makhenko took command of a real Ukrainian army, as a bona fide scourge of anti-Semitism, and surrounded as he was by Jewish functionaries, he would have peasants involved in pogroms executed. He even assembled a separate 300-member Jewish company. Only when his regular troops ranged beyond his control did they sometimes commit pogroms, despite Nestor’s policy of punishing perpetrators with death. By late 1919, Denikin’s White Army troops would also be engaging in pogroms when unsupervised, but Jews were not the only victims — Poles were pogromed in Byelorussia.
The Jews of Trotsky’s Red Army
Writes Solzhenitsyn: “The politically active part of Russian Jewry, which backed the Bolshevik civic regime in 1917, now just as boldly stepped into the military structures of the Bolsheviks . . . In 1918, “Lev Trotsky, with the help of Sklyansky and Jacov Sverdlov, created the Red Army . . . Some units were entirely Jewish, like . . . the brigade of Josef Furman . . . The Jewish share in the command corps of the Red Army became large and influential and this trend continued for many years even after the end of the Civil War.”
According to Israeli historian Aaron Abramovich, high-ranking Jews in the Red Army during Civil War included, most prominently: D. Vayman, E. Pyatnitsky, L. Glezarov, L. Pechyorsky, I. Slavin, M. Lisovsky, G. Bitker, Bela Kun, Brilliant-Sokolnikov, and I. Khodorovsky. At the onset of the Civil War, Uritsky headed the Extraordinary Command Staff of the Petrograd Military District. Members of the Petrograd Committee of Revolutionary Defense included Sverdlov, (the chairman), Volodarsky, Drabin-Gusev, Ya. Fishman (a leftist Socialist Revolutionary) and G. Chudnovsky. E. Yaroslavsky-Gubelman was commissar of the Moscow military district. Jews in charge of armies included M. Lashevich (3rd, then 7th Army of Eastern Front), V.Lasarevich (3rd Army of Western Front), G. Sokolnikov (8th of Southern Front), N. Sorkin (97th) and I. Yakir — the 14th Army. Solzhentsyn cites one more that the Israeli historian missed: Tikhon Khvesin (4th Army of Eastern Front, then of the 8th on the Southern Front, then of the 1st of the Turkestan Front).
Jews played important roles in the provision and supply services, too. Many held important positions in military medicine, others as heads of sanitation on the fronts. Abramovich, writes Solzhnitsyn, noted that an “especially large percentage of Jews could be found among political officers at all levels of the Red Army . . .” The Russian Jewish Encyclopedia cites Drabkin-Gusev as head of the Political Administration of the Red Army and Chief of the entire Red Army in 1921. He would be a big player in the Comintern later.
Other military Jews of note, mostly political officers, included: Mikhail Gaskovich-Lashkevich, in charge of the Siberian Military District. He was later First Deputy Chairman of Revvoyensoviet of the USSR. Israel Razgon was military Commissar for various districts. As head of the Red Army of Bukhara, he suppressed uprisings in Central Asia. Boris Goldberg was Military Commissar of various districts. He was in charge of the Reserve Army and helped found Soviet Civil Aviation. Modest Rubenstein was head of political administration for an army group. Boris Hippo was head of political administration for the Black Sea Fleet. Michail Landam headed the political division of one army and later served as the Deputy Head of Political Administration of the entire Red Army. Lev Berlin acted as commissar of the Volga Military Flotilla. A Jewish woman, Nadezda Ostrovskaya, was Head of Political Administration of the 10th army. There were other high-ranking Jewish women too.
The so-called Cossack Corps was multinational, and its “political department was headed by I. I. Mintz (by Isaac Greenberg in the Second Division) and S. Turovskiy ruled at Headquarters. A. Shilman was head of the operative section of the staff, S. Davidson managed the division newspaper, and Ya. Rubinov was in charge of the administrative section of the staff.” There is no question that Jews were very-much over-represented in the upper echelons of the Red Army along with many famous Russian names.
As for Trotsky, writes Solzhenitsyn, “Orchestrating a bloody war on the vast plains of Russia, he was absolutely untouched by the unprecedented sufferings of her inhabitants, by her pain. He soared aloft, above it all, on the wings of the international intoxication of the Revolution.” He boasted of finding time to read the latest works of French literature while travelling in his special railway coach.
The Civil War
Imperial rule always has its downside for subjects. However, as Ferguson suggests, it is when imperial rule begins to disintegrate that conditions are most dangerous. And when the Czarist regime crumbled, revolution for peace, bread and Soviet power degenerated into civil war, starvation and dictatorship.
A Korean communist named Nigay wrote to Trotsky of the rumor circulating throughout Russia that “the motherland has been conquered by Yid commissars . . . They’re saying that the Communist regime is being supported by Jewish brains, Latvian rifles and Russian idiots.” You can be sure that the Russian revolution was not conceived, implemented, defended, consolidated and cloned by Russian idiots. Jewish brains were paramount, as incarnated in Leon Trotsky (Lev Bronstein).
In many ways, Trotsky was the key Bolshevik over the entire formative 1917-1922 period, despite his Menshevik roots. Neutrality towards Trotsky was not an option. No one who encountered him could fail to see that here was an extraordinary, larger-than-life figure. Why such popularity? He emanated sacrifice, self-sacrifice, in the name of an idea — a rare quality even in a leader. His was a fanatical faith and it never wavered. It was still intact upon his death. His profoundest conviction was that Communist ideals would be vindicated and would triumph. To be so absolutely 180-degrees wrong required great powers of ratiocination only distantly-approximated by mere mortals, 20 million of whom would expire to the soundtrack of his words as they reverberated through the decades.
Quite apart from military strategy, for Trotsky merely to make an appearance at the front was a morale-booster for the troops. This charisma propelled his reputation into the stratosphere. He seemed everywhere, his train taking him quickly from one front to another. Many a leader has neglected the logistics of getting supplies to the troops. Not Trotsky. His deployment of political commissars at the front improved discipline. For the army chiefs, Trotsky was the ‘second man’ of the Soviet Republic. He was a major political and state official. He exerted enormous personal authority.
Strategy-wise, he focused more on the political than on the military. Ferguson notes that despite his ideological fanaticism, it was Trotsky who brought back former Czarist NCOs and officers, many rotting away in prison, “whose experience was to be vital in taking on the Whites.” At the same time, he imposed collective punishment on any former Czarist officer going over to the Whites; his family would be arrested. Trotsky went so far as to place blocking units behind unreliable detachments. Anyone making an unauthorized retreat would be greeted by a volley of gunfire from the rear. Every Red Army soldier came to appreciate that frontline fighting meant possible death but frontline fleeing meant certain death. Even if a unit were merely wavering in battle, Trotsky’s policy was that every tenth soldier be shot dead. “It was a turning point in the Russian civil war — and an ominous sign of how the Bolsheviks would behave if they won it,” remarks Ferguson. When Stalin revived this policy in 1941-42, it was as if he were releasing Trotsky’s spirit from the grave to which Stalin had sent him.
Solzhenitsyn quotes a Jewish writer of the period who insisted that Jewish self-preservation now depended on ruthless extermination of the enemy, a preview of Hitler’s policy once the fateful and ultimately fatal invasion of the Soviet Union got underway in mid-1941. “Jews must secure the gains of revolution by any means . . . without any qualms. Any necessary sacrifice must be made. Everything is at stake here and all will be lost if we hesitate.” (my emphases) He felt certain that mass executions of Jews would take place in vengeance if the revolution was lost. [Therefore] the “filthy scum must be crushed even before it has had any chance to develop in embryo. Their very seed must be destroyed . . .”
This was exterminationist talk a generation prior to Barbarossa. Comments Solzhenitsyn: “[It] was already pretty much the Bolshevik program, though expressed in the words of the Old Testament. Yet whose seed must be destroyed? Monarchists. But they were already breathless; all their activists could be counted on fingers. So it could only be those who had taken a stand against unbridled, running-wild soviets, against all kinds of committees and mad crowds; those who wished to halt the breakdown of life in the country — prudent ordinary people, former government officials, and first of all officers and very soon the soldier-general Kornilov. There were Jews among the counter-revolutionaries, but overall that movement was the Russian national one.” Indeed, “it looked as though . . . all of Jewry had decided to take the Red side in the Civil War.”
So, comments Macdonald, ‘“Solzhenitsyn sees the writer [quoted above] as seeking the annihilation of the Russian national movement that was attempting to tame the excesses of the period, and he is analogizing to the genocidal accounts of the Old testament: “So Joshua smote all the land, the hill-country, and the South, and the Lowland, and the slopes, and all their kings; he left nothing remaining; but he utterly destroyed all that breathed, as the Lord, the God of Israel, commanded” (Joshua 10:40). The Jewish writer of the Red Terror/Civil War era is advocating a genocidal war (crushing their very seed) of the Russians on the basis of Jewish religious thinking — a war actually carried out by the Bolsheviks with Jews as willing executioners.”’
Nonetheless, the smart money was on the Bolshevik regime being overthrown. Confronting Trotsky’s Red Army were three white armies: Anton Denikin’s Volunteers, Admiral Aleksandr Kolchak’s force in Siberia and General Nikolai Yudenich’s in the north-west. A Czech legion too, that had been formed to fight Austria-Hungary, got involved and it had 35,000 men. Their leaders believed they were fighting foreign elements such as Georgians, Armenians, Lithuanians and Poles — but led mainly by Jews into whose hands Mother Russia had fallen. Were they deluded?
In effect, they were absolutely correct. The fact that Red Army troops and other underlings were mostly non-Jewish is irrelevant. How could it be otherwise in a country less than 2 percent Jewish? One could certainly not mistake the revolutionaries for a Russo-centric movement with few Jews. Strikingly, Lenin equated anti-Semitism with counter-revolution. So, first came Lenin’s pairing of counter-revolutionary/anti-Semite and only later Hitler’s Bolshevik/Jew pairing. If all counter-revolutionaries were painted as confirmed or likely anti-Semites, was this not a virtually an invitation to them to paint all Bolsheviks as Jews or as their aiders and abettors?
Despite Jewish accounts to the contrary, the Whites and Greens (Ukrainian nationalists) were not out to exterminate the Jews. Pogroms were breakdowns of discipline. Unleashed bloodlust detracted from the movement’s mainly-political objectives. Since most Jews were not practising Bolsheviks, slaughtering them did nothing but undermine political objectives. In fact, though, more slaughtering was occurring on the other side. Volkogonov relates that, “One of the most significant sources of armed support for the White cause came from the Cossack population, encouraged no doubt by the policy of terror pursued against them by the Bolshevik regime as ‘the social base of the counter-revolution’.” That policy led directly to what Solzhenitsyn calls a “genocide on the river Don, when hundreds of thousands of the flower of the Don Cossacks were murdered.”
Moscow, continues Volkogonov, sent plain instructions “for the complete, rapid and decisive annihilation of the Cossacks as a distinct economic group, the destruction of their economic foundations, the physical destruction of Cossack administrators and officers, in general of the entire Cossack leadership.” One Cheka announcement read: “Cossack villages and settlements, which give shelter to Whites and Greens, will be destroyed, the entire adult population executed, and all property confiscated.” This systematic orphaning of children left only one short step to the Einsatzgruppen’s mass-murdering of children in late 1941. This treatment of the Cossacks was also prelude to the destruction of the Kulaks, a large proportion of them Ukrainians, and of the intelligentsia of Poland.
Trotsky declared that the rural bourgeoisie was the working class’s true enemy. Those ‘kulaks’ were threatening to ‘starve out’ the Soviet revolution. He warned the kulaks that sabotage would earn them retaliation shorn of any mercy. The party agreed that the dictatorship of the proletariat must force the peasants to fork over both their grain and their taxes, as well as to fight within the ranks of the Red Army. Three years of ‘Great War’ miseries, and now this. Bolshevik killings were supposedly based on objective criteria designating bourgeois status. Such doctrinally-sacred violence elevated one’s status. But in fact, the bourgeoisie referred to no identifiable or self-identified group, so the Bolsheviks could simply attach the label to anyone who resisted them and thus deserved death.
Still, comments Conquest, “Victory in the Civil War was a near thing, and more than once the Leninists felt that all was lost.” By early summer 1918, the new regime was facing likely defeat. Trotsky conceded that its territory had shrunk to the dimensions of the ancient principality of Mucovy. Its army still wasn’t big enough. Enemies patrolled all sides. From that vantage point, any mid-century specter of a Soviet dictatorship-of-the-proletariat with Eastern Europe as its Empire, including East Germany, and with its main imitator/ally the world’s most populous country, would have seemed so preposterously unlikely that anyone predicting it would have been denounced as a complete fool. There are so many points at which the whole project could have (and preferably should have) gone off the rails that to think one could re-run the entire scenario minus Jewish brains is absurd. Only Jewish brains could have kept on the rails such an unnatural monstrously-inhuman project because all logic and experience argued in its disfavor. Only a kind of genius could have taken such a non-starter and turned it into a force that would soon be ruling half the world, and such a genius was Trotsky.
When Denikin ordered all White forces to march on Moscow in July 1918, it looked like the 70-year Bolshevik reign lying ahead would end after only nine months. But wait. The tide turned. November arrived, and Denikin was defeated.
Certainly, with a little less of the massive assistance afforded to the Bolsheviks by Jews, Lenin and Co would have been ousted. Similarly, it was such a near-run thing that had Jews given a little more assistance to the Whites, that too might have done in the Reds. Why were Jews relatively scarce on the White side? One Jewish White, D. O. Linsky, looking back declared, “Jewry was possibly given a unique chance to fight so hard for the Russian land, that the slanderous claim that for Jews Russia is just geography and not Fatherland, would disappear once and for all.” He asserted that had more Jewish youth joined the Whites and had more Jews contributed financially, the Whites would have found it impossible to conduct pogroms. “Jewry was pushed from the Russian cause, yet Jewry had to [but did not] push away the pushers.” Despite everything, writes Linsky, it was “a great movement for the unfading values of [upholding] the human spirit.”
The problem, states Solzhenitsyn, was the sheer number of Jews among the Reds, where “they often occupied the ‘top command positions’.” Fittingly, “In 1919, the official Soviet press provided texts in three languages—Russian, Ukrainian and Yiddish.” And “during the Civil War, national and socialist Jewish parties began merging with the Reds,” a continuation of the phenomenon of heavily Jewish-weighted supposedly-anti-Bolshevik parties like the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries throwing their weight behind the Bolsheviks at key junctures, allowing the Bolshevik régime to survive.
Yes, relates Solzhenitsyn, “The White Army was hypnotized by Trotsky and Nakhamkis [an agent of the Bolshevik Central Committee] . . .” and “perceived Russia as occupied by Jewish commissars.” So hated was Trotsky’ among the Whites [and Ukrainian] soldiers, [that] almost every pogrom went under the slogan ‘This is what you get for Trotsky’.” Thus even Jews who had fought against the Bolsheviks in 1917 had an impossible time finding a place in the White Army. “[M]any Whites rejected sympathetic and neutral Jews but because of the prominent involvement of other Jews on the Red side, mistrust and anger was bred among the White forces.” In the first year there was almost no anti-Semitism amongst Whites and Jews did serve in the White Army. Jews of Rostov did collect a substantial sum for the leader of the Don Cossacks, but General Alekseev had no such so luck and went out on his Ice March, unfinanced. Sadly, “appeals by the Volunteer Army were mostly ignored, yet whenever the Bolsheviks showed up and demanded money and valuables, the population obediently handed over millions of rubles and whole stores of goods.” And, “When former prime minister (of the Provisional Government) prince G. E. Lvov, begging for aid abroad, visited New York and Washington in 1918, he met a delegation of Jews who heard him out but offered no aid.” This was typical. Pogroms meant lack of support for the Whites from Anglo and U.S. Jewry. Sympathy abroad for the Bolsheviks’ brave new world, combined with its enemies committing the worst series of pogroms in history — by far — doomed the Whites’ chances. Yet it was the undeniable prominence of Jews in Bolshevism and the regime’s absolute ruthlessness that solidified its image as a detestable alien inordinately-Jewish monstrosity.
As above, there were exceptions of Jews offering money or Jews siding with Whites, but not enough to make a difference. Even the anti-anti-Semitic Kadets “during their 1919 conference in Khartov . . . demanded that Jews ‘declare relentless war against those elements of Jewry who actively participate in the Bolshevik movement’.” They also “emphasized . . . that the White authorities do everything possible to stop pogroms . . .” Nonetheless, December 1919-to-March 1920 featured particularly nasty pogroms as the Volunteer Army retreated from Ukraine. Some White leaders acted more firmly. Wrangel stopped all pogroms in the Crimea. And accordingly, part of the Jewish population of the Crimea evacuated with him.
Still, the advent of pogroms amongst the Whites runs deeper. Writes Solzhenitsyn: “[The civil war] was literally a chaos which released unbridled anarchy across Russia [a guarantee of pogroms] . . . Anybody who wanted and was able to rob was robbing and killing whomever he wanted . . . Officers of the Russian Army were massacred in the hundreds and thousands by bands of mutinous rabble. Entire families of landowners were murdered . . . estates . . . were burned; valuable pieces of art were pilfered and destroyed . . . [and] in some places in manors all living things including livestock were exterminated.” He quotes S. Schwartz: “Mob rule spread terror . . . on the streets of cities. Owners of plants and factories were driven out of their enterprises and dwellings . . . Tens of thousands of people all over Russia were shot for the glory of the proletarian revolution . . . ; others . . . rotted in stinking and vermin-infested prisons as hostages . . . It was not a crime or personal actions that put a man under the axe but his affiliation with a certain social stratum of class. It would be an absolute miracle if, under conditions when whole human groups were designated for extermination, the group named ‘Jews’ remained exempt . . . The curse of the time was that . . . it was possible to declare an entire class or tribe ‘evil’ . . . So, condemning an entire social class to destruction . . . is called revolution, yet to kill and rob Jews is called a pogrom? . . . The Jewish pogrom in the South of Russia was a component of the All-Russia pogrom.” This was the ‘great’ step backward in civilization that Hitler, in the conventional view at least, merely consolidated — the ideological legitimization of writing off and possibly mass-murdering entire categories of humanity that cannot for whatever reason ‘get with the program’?
And what was an All-Russia pogrom but a reflection of the general collapse of civilization and ethics? Jews were amongst the worst hit by that collapse, but it was leading Jews who were most responsible for bringing about it about in the first place. Given the multiple resulting catastrophes for gentiles, gentiles in their own interest should refrain from echoing the Jewish fixation on their own losses.
In launching pogroms in 1919, members of the White army may have been copy-catting the Ukrainian pogroms, which Ukrainians evidently saw as a means of protecting Ukraine’s sovereignty against yet another assault by largely-Jewish-led Bolsheviks. Indeed, the new nation’s worst fears were justified when it fell under the Soviet yoke for 70 years and saw nine million of its ‘citizens’ starved or shot to death by either the Soviet Union or its all-but-inevitable nemesis, Nazi Germany. As bad as the Ukrainian pogroms of 1918-1919 were, what largely Jewish-led Communism and its nemesis had in store for Ukrainians was literally a hundred times worse, worse even than the Jewish Tragedy of 1941-45.
Jewish critic of Bolshevism, Bikerman, insisted that “murders, pillage and rape of women were not faithful companions of the White Army, unlike what is claimed by our [Jewish] national Socialists who exaggerate the horrible events to advance their agenda.” His co-critic
Shulgin added: “For a true White, a massacre of unarmed civilians, the murder of women and children, and robbing someone’s property are impossible things to do. Thus the ‘true Whites’ in this case are guilty of negligence. They were not sufficiently rigorous in checking the scum adhering to the White movement.” I. Levon cited the complexity of the White movement, asserting that the bad part was not the whole.
Notes Solzhenitsyn: “A. I. Deniken . . . sought to stop the outrages perpetrated by his troops. Yet those efforts were not effective.” The resulting pogroms prevented any further support for the Whites by Jews. Some pogroms were mostly a matter of pillaging for supplies, but others involved atrocities with up to a thousand killed. Even Solzhenitsyn concedes that all too often, “The most populous and flourishing communities were turned into deserts . . .” The Bolsheviks skillfully deployed the pogroms in their propaganda at home and abroad. Still, “the most atrocious pogroms were carried out by the [Reds’] First Cavalry Army during its retreat from Poland at the end of August 1920.” Troops rampaging out of control in an ethical vacuum are troops rampaging out of control regardless of ideology. In fact, Denikin’s White troops committed no more pogroms than did the Reds, and it was the Ukrainians fighting to maintain their newly-acquired statehood, recognized by the Entente powers, who committed two-thirds of the pogroms. Had the largely-Jewish-led Bolsheviks refrained from acting to destroy Ukrainian sovereignty, a slap to the face of the Entente as well, Ukrainians would have had little incentive to mass-murder Jews.
A great many soldiers had seen a half decade of war, and were burnt out. A Civil War following a Great War was too much. Russian society was undergoing the torture of double occupation as Whites and Reds won and then lost territory. Staying alive became paramount and ethics be damned. And consider that this horrible Civil War, a virtual continuation of the Great War that the Bolsheviks pulled out of to appease the Russian people, was simply a war by the largely Jewish-led Bolsheviks to keep themselves ensconced in power no matter what and despite so little popular support. The Bolsheviks reduced Russia to statelessness until their ruthless violence as a gang (that managed to recruit and deploy a new army) had intimidated all those it left alive. The statelessness of the Civil War previewed the stateless anarchy of eastern Poland and the Baltic ‘states’ as the Soviets and then the Nazis alternated in destroying them in 1939-41. The double destruction of Whites and Reds 1918-21 is what precipitated the pogroms, just as the double destruction of 1939-41 is what precipitated the Jewish Tragedy of 1941-1945. But Russia during the Civil War was a state destroying itself from within, surely an even greater crime, given that some degree of intra-group solidarity is required for survival, whereas inter-group conflict is the norm.
Solzhenitsyn summarizes: “Such was the woeful acquisition of all the peoples of Russia, including the Jews, after the successful attainment of equal rights, after the splendid Revolution of [February 1917, which was not a Jewish-made revolution], that both the general sympathy of Russian Jews toward the Bolsheviks [despite the mass slaughter of the Red Terror] and the developed attitude of White forces toward Jews [deplorable but understandable] eclipsed and erased the most important benefit of a possible White victory—the sane evolution of the Russian state.”
“Alas, the resistance of the Russian population to the Bolsheviks (without which we wouldn’t have a right to call ourselves a people) had faltered and took wrong turns in many ways, including on the Jewish issue. Meanwhile the Bolshevik regime was touting the Jews and they were joining it, and the Civil War was more and more broadening that chasm between Reds and Whites.” “If the revolution in general cleared Jewry of suspicion in [pro-capitalist] counter-revolutionary attitude, the counter-revolution has suspected all Jewry of being pro-revolutionary.” And thus “the Civil War became an unbearable torment for Jewry, further consolidating them in the wrong revolutionary positions,” from which they would “fail to recognize the genuine redemptive essence of the White armies.”
Lenin quickly decided to take advantage of the Red Army’s momentum and have it take Eastern Europe the same way Stalin would 30 years later, that is, militarily. After subduing several nations including Ukraine, the Red Army marched on Warsaw. Writes Ferguson, “Only their decisive defeat by the Polish army on the banks of the River Vistula halted the spread of the Bolshevik epidemic.” But the Bolsheviks were not to be deterred. With the end of the Great War, continues Ferguson, “Soviet-style governments were proclaimed in Budapest, Munich and Hamburg.”
Czarist regimes from 1640 to 1914 may have killed up to 20,000, including unplanned pogroms and bona fide terrorists. The death (and misery) toll for a single year of Bolshevik-induced revolution and civil war was exponentially higher. Forget for a moment the Red Terror and the famine resulting from the civil war; 1˝ million were killed in civil war itself. Morality in Russia scraped bottom as mortality skyrocketed to highs unimaginable in the Imperial era.
Volkogonov observes that decades of brainwashing have rendered most people in the Soviet Union unaware that “Marxism in Russia developed in three stages: Leninism, Trotskyism and Stalinism.” Each relied on social violence, the rectitude of a single ideology, and the arrogated right “to dispose of the destinies of nations.” Absent the brilliance of Trotsky, the Bolshevik seizure of power would have failed, the Bolshevik revolution as a whole would have failed, and the Bolshevik civil war would have been lost. Russian communism was “a doctrine based on the primacy of the dictatorship of the proletariat and class war . . .” and with its highly-surprising survival, thanks to Trotsky, it could now move on to bigger game. That meant inflicting its ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ and its ‘class war’ upon Central Europe, thereby inadvertently engendering a nemesis that would bring on a war just one ratchet shy of Armageddon.
|1 Week Ago||#43|
Join Date: Jul 2014
We mustn't forget that some of greatest murderers of modern times were Jewish
Sever Plocker|Published: 21.12.06 , 23:35
Here's a particularly forlorn historical date: Almost 90 years ago, between the 19th and 20th of December 1917, in the midst of the Bolshevik revolution and civil war, Lenin signed a decree calling for the establishment of The All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Sabotage, also known as Cheka.
Within a short period of time, Cheka became the largest and cruelest state security organization. Its organizational structure was changed every few years, as were its names: From Cheka to GPU, later to NKVD, and later to KGB.
We cannot know with certainty the number of deaths Cheka was responsible for in its various manifestations, but the number is surely at least 20 million, including victims of the forced collectivization, the hunger, large purges, expulsions, banishments, executions, and mass death at Gulags.
Whole population strata were eliminated: Independent farmers, ethnic minorities, members of the bourgeoisie, senior officers, intellectuals, artists, labor movement activists, "opposition members" who were defined completely randomly, and countless members of the Communist party itself.
In his new, highly praised book "The War of the World, "Historian Niall Ferguson writes that no revolution in the history of mankind devoured its children with the same unrestrained appetite as did the Soviet revolution. In his book on the Stalinist purges, Tel Aviv University's Dr. Igal Halfin writes that Stalinist violence was unique in that it was directed internally.
Lenin, Stalin, and their successors could not have carried out their deeds without wide-scale cooperation of disciplined "terror officials," cruel interrogators, snitches, executioners, guards, judges, perverts, and many bleeding hearts who were members of the progressive Western Left and were deceived by the Soviet regime of horror and even provided it with a kosher certificate.
All these things are well-known to some extent or another, even though the former Soviet Union's archives have not yet been fully opened
to the public. But who knows about this? Within Russia itself, very few people have been brought to justice for their crimes in the NKVD's and KGB's service. The Russian public discourse today completely ignores the question of "How could it have happened to us?" As opposed to Eastern European nations, the Russians did not settle the score with their Stalinist past.
And us, the Jews? An Israeli student finishes high school without ever hearing the name "Genrikh Yagoda," the greatest Jewish murderer of the 20th Century, the GPU's deputy commander and the founder and commander of the NKVD. Yagoda diligently implemented Stalin's collectivization orders and is responsible for the deaths of at least 10 million people. His Jewish deputies established and managed the Gulag system. After Stalin no longer viewed him favorably, Yagoda was demoted and executed, and was replaced as chief hangman in 1936 by Yezhov, the "bloodthirsty dwarf."
Yezhov was not Jewish but was blessed with an active Jewish wife. In his Book "Stalin: Court of the Red Star", Jewish historian Sebag Montefiore writes that during the darkest period of terror, when the Communist killing machine worked in full force, Stalin was surrounded by beautiful, young Jewish women.
Stalin's close associates and loyalists included member of the Central Committee and Politburo Lazar Kaganovich. Montefiore characterizes him as the "first Stalinist" and adds that those starving to death in Ukraine, an unparalleled tragedy in the history of human kind aside from the Nazi horrors and Mao's terror in China, did not move Kaganovich.
Many Jews sold their soul to the devil of the Communist revolution and have blood on their hands for eternity. We'll mention just one more: Leonid Reichman, head of the NKVD's special department and the organization's chief interrogator, who was a particularly cruel sadist.
In 1934, according to published statistics, 38.5 percent of those holding the most senior posts in the Soviet security apparatuses were of Jewish origin. They too, of course, were gradually eliminated in the next purges. In a fascinating lecture at a Tel Aviv University convention this week, Dr. Halfin described the waves of soviet terror as a "carnival of mass murder," "fantasy of purges", and "essianism of evil." Turns out that Jews too, when they become captivated by messianic ideology, can become great murderers, among the greatest known by modern history.
The Jews active in official communist terror apparatuses (In the Soviet Union and abroad) and who at times led them, did not do this, obviously, as Jews, but rather, as Stalinists, communists, and "Soviet people." Therefore, we find it easy to ignore their origin and "play dumb": What do we have to do with them? But let's not forget them. My own view is different. I find it unacceptable that a person will be considered a member of the Jewish people when he does great things, but not considered part of our people when he does amazingly despicable things.
Even if we deny it, we cannot escape the Jewishness of "our hangmen," who served the Red Terror with loyalty and dedication from its establishment. After all, others will always remind us of their origin.
|1 Week Ago||#44|
Join Date: Jan 2008
Location: The wild frontier
Secede. Control taxbases/municipalities. Use boycotts, divestment, sanctions, strikes.
|6 Days Ago||#45|
Join Date: Feb 2017